12241 
F3 


1918 


RAY  PR6STON:BOW  t  Hi 


LIBRARY 

UNIVERSITY  OF 
CALIFORNIA 

SAN  DIEGO 


rtifc 


THE    NOVELS    OF 
FERDINAND  FABRE 


INCLUDING  AN  ACCOUNT  OF 
HIS  LIFE  AND  A  DISCUSSION 
OF  HIS  POSITION  IN  LITERATURE 


BY 

'RAY  PRESTON  BOWEN,  PH.  D. 

Assistant    Professor    of    Romance    Languages 
Syracuse  University 


BOSTON 

RICHARD  G.  BADGER 

THE   GORHAM    PRESS 


Copyright.  1918,  by  Richard  G.  Badger 


All  Bights  Reserved 


MADE  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA 


THE  GORHAM  PRESS,  BOSTON,  U.  S.  A. 


TO  THE  MEMORY  OF  MY  MOTHER 


PREFACE 

A  few  years  ago  my  interest  in  Ferdinand  Fabre  was 
aroused  by  a  series  of  lectures  on  the  realistic  novel 
of  the  nineteenth  century  given  by  Professor  Chabert  at 
the  University  of  Grenoble.  I  was  persuaded  that  the 
author  of  a  novel  that  must  rank  with  Madame  Bo-vary 
among  the  masterpieces  of  this  school  merited  careful 
study,  and  that  L'Abbe  Tigrane  could  not  be  the  only 
one  of  his  novels  to  possess  marked  literary  excellence. 
Further  reading  amply  verified  my  first  opinion. 

No  attempt,  so  far  as  I  knew,  had  ever  been  made  to 
gather  into  one  account  the  facts  of  the  life  of  Ferdinand 
Fabre,  nor  to  submit  his  novels  as  a  whole  to  any  extend- 
ed study.  Such,  then,  was  the  problem  I  set  for  myself 
in  a  doctoral  dissertation  later  presented  at  Cornell  Uni- 
versity. The  scope  of  my  undertaking  included  not  only 
the  facts  of  the  life  and  literary  career  of  this  author,  so 
far  as  they  were  obtainable,  but  also  a  comparative  dis- 
cussion of  all  his  novels  to  the  end  of  discovering  their 
general  tendencies,  and  of  establishing  an  adequate  esti- 
mate of  the  writer's  relatidn  to  his  own  period.  I  was 
able  to  conclude  that  Fabre  cannot  justly  be  considered, 
like  Abbe  Prevost,  the  author  of  one  book.  Although 
L'Abbe  Tigrane  displays!  at  their  best  his  master  powers 
as  a  creative  writer,  several  of  his  other  novels  must  also 
be  included  among  the  noteworthy  works  of  fiction  in 
France  during  the  last  fifty  years. 

Because  of  a  natural  timidity  to  bring  himself  before 

7 


8  Preface 

the  eyes  of  the  public,  Fabre  remained  largely  in  seclu- 
sion. His  life  attracted  but  slight  attention;  his  death, 
too,  passed  almost  unnoticed.  It  often  happens  that  the 
death  of  an  author  proves  the  occasion  for  renewed  in- 
terest in  his  life  and  works.  Thus  it  was  with  Daudet 
who  died  but  a  few  weeks  before  Fabre.  Reporters 
eagerly  sought  the  detailed  facts  of  his  life,  and  critics 
began  more  carefully  to  study  his  writing.  Fabre's  death 
unfortunately  occurred  at  a  time  when  the  newspapers  and 
periodicals  were  devoting  all  available  space  to  the  Zola 
trial. 

My  chief  source  of  biographical  data,  therefore,  was 
not  reviews  and  newspaper  articles,  although  they  were 
of  some  value,  but  rather  the  author's  own  novels,  for 
he  put  himself  in  all  he  wrote,  and  especially  two  volumes 
of  memoirs,  Ma  Vocation  and  Ma  Jeunesse.  For  con- 
siderable new  material  I  am  indebted  to  M.  Ferdinand 
Duviard,  grandson  of  Ferdinand  Fabre,  who  has  in  his 
possession  all  the  unpublished  works  of  his  grandfather 
as  well  as  his  literary  correspondence;  and  also  to  M. 
Paul  Marais,  Curator  of  the  Bibliotheque  Mazarine. 

I  wish  here  to  thank  them  both  for  their  kindness  in 
writing  me  at  some  length,  and  for  their  sympathetic  in- 
terest in  my  own  work. 

R.  P.  B. 

Syracuse  University, 

February  1918. 


CONTENTS 

PAGE 

Preface    7 

Introduction — The    Life  and    Literary    Career    of 

Ferdinand   Fabre    13 

Chapter  I — Classification  of  the  Novels 48 

Chapter  II — Les  Courbezon   52 

Chapter  III — The  Autobiographical  Novels 62 

Chapter  IV — The  Novels  of  Peasant  Life  and  Man- 
ners     81 

Chapter  V — The  Ecclesiastical  Novels 93 

Conclusion 125 

Bibliography    133 

Index   137 


THE  NOVELS  OF  FERDINAND  FABRE 


The 
Novels  of  Ferdinand  Fabre 

INTRODUCTION 

THE  LIFE  AND  LITERARY  CAREER  OF   FERDINAND  FABRE 

FERDINAND  FABRE  was  born  June  9,  1827, l  at 
Bedarieux,  capital  of  L'Herault  in  Lower  Languedoc. 
The  town  is  surrounded  by  great  moors  in  which  the 
river  Orb  has  its  source.  Nearby  is  the  Espinouse  range 
with  its  great  peaks  Tantajo  and  le  Roc-Rouge.  His 
father,  Frangois  Fabre,  was  a  :  local  architect.  His 
mother,  Rose  Sicard,  came  of  a  pious  family  of  Mont- 
pellier.  Ferdinand,  like  Chateaubriand,  was  the  young- 
est of  a  large  family. 

He  received  his  early  education  at  the  college  of  Be- 
darieux, but  fond  of  life  out  of  doors,  he  neglected  his 
studies,  until  finally  his  work  in  the  seventh  class  was  so 
unsatisfactory  that  his  father  decided  to  place  his  further 
education  in  charge  of  his  brother,  Abbe  Fulcran  Fabre.2 
So  in  the  fall  of  1842  young  Ferdinand  went  to  live  with 
his  uncle  in  the  neighboring  parish  of  Camplong.  Al- 
though love  for  his  mother  made  him  reluctant  to  leave 


1.  I  here  quote  Monsieur  Duviard.    In  the  more  recent  edi- 
tions of  the  encyclopedias  this  date  is  commonly  given  1830, 
doubtless  based  upon  the  statement  in  Ma  Vocation  (1889),  p. 
17,  that  Fabre  began  his  journal  in  1842  in  his  twelfth  year. 
See  also  Ma  Jeunesse,  p.  n.    In  Mon  Ami  Gaffarot  (1894)  he 
gives  his  age  as  13  in  1842,  but  in  Julien  Savignac   (1863), 
pp.  6,  8,  he  says  he  was  13  years  old  in  1840,  which  would 
place  his  birth  during  the  year  1827. 

2.  Ma  Vocation,  p.  2.    Julien  Savignac,  ch.  VII. 

13 


14  The  Novels  of  Ferdinand  Fabre 

her,  the  prospect  of  greater  liberty  at  the  home  of  his 
uncle  delighted  him.  There,  more  than  ever  before,  fas- 
cinated by  the  great  beauty  of  his  native  Cevenol  Mount- 
ains,3 he  enjoyed  the  freedom  of  unrestrained  life  out  of 
doors,  passing  his  days  in  company  with  the  goatherds, 
and  with  the  mountain  hermits,4  who  were  known  as  the 
Free  Brothers  of  Saint  Francis.5  He  was  a  very  af- 
fectionate boy  who  easily  gained  friends.  As  "monsieur 
le  neveu,"  he  enjoyed  the  respect  of  his  uncle's  parish- 
ioners and  soon  won  their  confidence,  an  advantage  of 
great  value  later  in  his  literary  work.  The  two  years 
spent  in  this  way,  under  the  kindly,  if  somewhat  indulgent, 
care  of  the  simple  priest  and  his  housekeeper,  the  faith- 
ful Prudence  Ricard,  both  of  whom  the  boy  dearly  loved, 
furnished  Fabre  with  material  for  over  half  his  novels. 

In  1844  Ferdinand  entered  le  petit  seminaire  de  Saint- 
Pons  de  Thomidres  where  he  lived  with  "M.  1'Abbe 
Dubreuil,  mainteneur  de  1'Academie  de  Jeux  floraux, 
grand  vicaire  de  Mgr.  1'eveque  de  Montpellier."6  Here 
he  received  his  first  really  systematic  education.  The  in- 
struction was  of  course  very  orthodox.  He  remained 


3.  Cf.  Barnabe,  p.  77.    Des  le  berceau,  par  une  pente  mys- 
terieuse  de  mon  ame  que  personne  n'expliquera,  j 'avals  etc 
conquis  a  la  nature,  a  nos  montagnes,  surtout  a  nos  superbes 
montagnes  cevenoles,  d'un  profit  si  severe,  si  noble,  si  hardi,  ou 
se  decouvrent  toutes  les  richesses :  des  eaux  qui  defient  1'eclat 
et  la  purete  du  cristal,  des  betes  fideles  et  aux  pieds  surs,  des 
homines  honnetes,  energiques  et  courageux.     Cf.  also  Ma  Vo- 
cation, p.  419.     La  nature  s'empare  de  moi   des  que  je  me 
trouve  seul  avec  elle. 

4.  Ibid.,  p.  255. 

5.  For  a  description  of  these  lay  brethren  see  the  introduc- 
tion of  Barnabe. 

6.  Ma  Vocation,  p.  23. 


The  Life  and  Literary  Career  of  Ferdinand  Fabre  15 

practically  ignorant  of  modern  French  literature,  for  he 
was  told  that  with  the  exception  of  Chateaubriand  and 
Bonald  there  had  been  no  writers  worthy  of  mention 
since  ijSgJ  We  know  very  little  of  his  life  at  the 
preparatory  seminary.  He  must  have  devoted  more  time 
to  his  studies  than  previously,  for  he  won  a  first  prize  in 
Latin.8  At  the  end  of  three  years  he  returned  to  Be- 
darieux. 

His  family  were  then  in  very  straitened  circumstances, 
due  to  an  unprofitable  business  venture  that  M.  Fabre 
had  undertaken  in  constructing  a  high  road  from  Agde 
on  the  sea  to  Castres  across  the  mountains.9  In  1842  by 
a  loan  of  40,000  francs,  practically  her  whole  fortune, 
Mademoiselle  Angele  Sicard,  sister  of  Madame  Fabre, 
hoped  to  prevent  a  complete  ruin.  Her  brother-in-law 
being  unable  to  repay  any  of  the  sum,  she  was  forced 
three  years  later  to  leave  her  home  in  Montpellier  and 
live  with  her  sister  at  Bedarieux.10  From  that  time  she 
exerted  great  influence  in  the  affairs  of  the  family. 

Under  the  present  circumstances  it  seemed  quite  im- 
possible for  Ferdinand  to  continue  his  education.  He 
attempted  to  help  his  father  in  his  trade,  but  found  he 
had  no  adaptability  for  the  work.  The  long  cherished 
desire  of  his  father  to  send  him  to  the  University  of  Mont- 
pellier to  study  medicine  had  to  be  abandoned.  His 
Aunt  Angele  had  set  her  heai-t  on  his  becoming  a  priest. 


7.  Ibid.,  p.  300. 

8.  Ibid.,  p.  25.    Cf.  Renan,  E.,  Les  Souvenirs,  Le  broyeur  de 
lin,  II. 

9.  Gosse,    Edmund,   Ferdinand   Fabre    (Contemporary   Re- 
view, April,  1898).    Also  cf.  Ma.  Jeunesse,  p.  29. 

10.  Ma  Vocation,  p.  30,  and  Mon  Ami  Gaffarot,  p.  4. 


1 6  The  Novels  of  Ferdinand  Fabre 

The  summer  of  1847  she  went  to  Montpellier,  and  on 
her  return  announced  that  a  rich  and  pious  cousin,  Clo- 
tilde  Sicard,  a  nun  in  the  convent  of  La  Visitation  de 
Sainte-Marie,  was  willing  to  assume  the  payment  of  Ferd- 
inand's board  until  he  should  complete  his  studies  at  the 
higher  seminary  in  Montpellier.  He  hesitated  to  ac- 
cept the  offer,  for,  as  he  frankly  stated  to  his  aunt,  the 
young  man  who  is  as  readily  attracted  as  he  by  the  charms 
of  the  opposite  sex,  is  not  destined  for  the  life  of  a  celibate. 
The  father  hoping  that  the  medical  career  might  yet  be 
possible  did  not  urge  him.  His  mother,  although  she  would 
have  liked  to  see  her  son  a  priest,  feared  that  his  incli- 
nations were  not  such  as  to  lead  him  to  the  Church. 
However,  the  thought  of  the  poverty  of  the  family  so 
frightened  him  that  prospects  of  offering  them  a  home  in 
his  future  parish  finally  persuaded  him  to  yield  to  his 
aunt's  insistence. 

Thus  November  13,  1847  Ferdinand  and  his  mother 
started  for  Montpellier.  During  the  journey  the  boy 
experienced  many  misgivings  and  suffered  much  mental 
distress.  He  protested  against  the  interference  of  his 
aunt  and  blamed  her  for  starting  him  upon  a  career 
where  he  apprehended  failure.  Arrived  at  the  city,  they 
spent  several  days  visiting  relatives  and  friends,  especially 
his  cousin,  and  also  an  intimate  friend  of  his  aunt,  Made- 
moiselle Fouzilhon,  all  persons  of  extreme  piety  who 
rejoiced  at  the  advent  of  young  Fabre  to  the  grand 
seminaire.  Encouraged  by  their  enthusiasm,  Ferdinand, 
on  the  27th  of  November,11  entered  the  seminary  as  a 


u.  Ma  Vocation,  p.  176. 


The  Life  and  Literary  Career  of  Ferdinand  Fabre  17 

candidate  for  clerical  orders  with  less  trepidation  than 
he  had  anticipated.  His  mother's  parting  words  to  him 
were,  "Tu  me  diras  bien  la  verite  dans  tes  lettres,  tu  me 
la  diras  tout  entiere.  Ta  tante  Angele  ne  saura  rien."12 

At  the  seminary  he  became  acquainted  for  the  first 
time  with  the  "catholic  poets,"  Lamartine,  Hugo  and 
Musset.  As  objects  despicable  in  their  wickedness  his 
Uncle  Fulcran  had  forbidden  him  all  novels.  Although 
this  simple  minded  priest  had  never  read  a  novel,  he  had 
been  taught  by  the  Church  that  they  were  created  by  the 
devil  to  entice  men  into  the  paths  of  wickedness.13  Ferd- 
inand, who  had  accepted  this  verdict  in  good  faith,  was 
never  greatly  tempted  to  enter  the  mysteries  that  lay 
concealed  between  the  covers  of  books  not  ecclesiastical, 
until  he  chanced  upon  Jocelyn.  At  last  he  could  no 
longer  resist  the  temptation  to  buy  such  a  wicked  book. 
For  months  he  struggled  with  the  temptation  to  learn  the 
story  of  the  unhappy  priest  and  his  love  for  Laurence, 
but  finally  his  sense  of  guilt  became  so  intense  that  he 
threw  the  book  into  the  river  Ley.14  His  craving  for 
books,  however,  had  begun. 

The  Christmas  recess  of  1847-48  Fabre  spent  at  the 
home  of  Mademoiselle  Fouzilhon,  where  he  made  the 
acquaintance  of  several  young  ladies  in  whose  society 
he  found  much  pleasure.  He  was  particularly  fascinated 
by  a  certain  Madame  de  Sauviac,  who  deliberately  set 
out  to  win  his  affections.  Though  not  really  enamoured 
of  her,  he  could  not  easily  forget  her.  This  visit  proved  to 


12.  Ibid.,  p.  182. 

13.  Cf.  Cathinelle,  p.  252. 

14.  Ma  Vocation,  p.  423. 


1 8  The  Novels  of  Ferdinand  Fabre 

be  of  the  utmost  importance  in  regard  to  his  vocation,  for 
after  this  taste  of  social  life,  he  became  restless  under  the 
restraints  of  the  seminary.  Now  he  began  seriously  to 
doubt  his  fitness  for  the  life  there.  He  fancied  that  he 
did  not  belong  among  these  young  priests  whose  submis- 
siveness  of  mind  and  resignation  of  heart  he  did  not 
possess.15  His  anxiety  arose  not  from  any  conscious  lack 
of  moral  conviction  or  spiritual  faith ;  these  never  entered 
into  the  problem.  Rather  his  misgivings  were  due  to  a 
growing  conviction  that  God  did  not  intend  him  for  the 
life  of  a  celibate. 

Respecting  as  he  did  the  sanctity  of  the  priesthood,  he 
was  shocked  at  the  free  and  easy  life  of  some  of  the  young 
abbes.  To  him  the  cassock  implied  a  life  in  which  the 
instincts  and  emotions  of  other  youths  were  to  be  sup- 
pressed as  wholly  evil.  He  began  to  realize  that  the  other 
young  men,  many  of  them  peasants,  in  no  sense  shared  his 
exalted  opinion  of  their  calling.  His  sensitive  moral 
nature  received  a  rude  blow  on  learning  that  his  roommate 
felt  it  not  inconsistent  for  a  seminarist  to  pass  a  whole 
month  at  a  small  inn,  though  it  was  owned  by  his  father, 
where  soldiers  came  with  women  to  drink  and  carouse. 
Uncle  Fulcran's  training  still  held  full  sway  over  him. 

During  the  next  few  months  his  dislike  for  his  vocation 
increased  rapidly.  He  records  in  his  journal,  "Coute  que 
coute,  secouer  le  joug.  Un  peu  d'  audace  et  je  serai 
libre!"16  In  another  place  we  read,  "Ma  situation  est 
le  comble  de  1'abaissement  moral."17  Apparently  he 


15.  Ma  Vocation,  p.  324. 

1 6.  17  avril. 

17.  23  avril. 


The  Life  and  Literary  Career  of  Ferdinand  Fabre  19 

was  meeting  the  issue  with  the  utmost  frankness,  for  he 
declares,  "Si  je  ne  puis  vivre  ici,  avec  les  idees  d'  ici, 
1'enseignement  d'ici,  les  contraints  d'ici,  je  me  retirerai 
de  cette  partie  engagee  avec  Dieu,  mais  \  je  ne  tricherai 
point."18  It  was  this  uncompromising  attitude  toward 
his  obligations  and  a  fearless  analysis  of  his  own  feelings, 
rather  than  honesty  in  his  thinking  on  matters  of  dogma, 
as  was  the  case  of  Renan,  19  that  finally  released  him  from 
the  bonds  of  Church  discipline.  "Accepter  la  pretrise, 
c'est  accepter  le  gibet,"20  he  declared.  Love  for  his 
mother  and  concern  for  his  aunt's  disappointment 
still  held  him  from  suddenly  breaking  with  the  seminary. 
He  sought  comfort  and  help  from  his  favorite  book,  the 
Confessions  of  Saint  Augustine.  Finally  on  June  23  he 
went  to  Father  Laplague,  the  director  of  the  seminary  and 
his  spiritual  advisor,  to  whose  pleadings  he  replied,  "Je 
ne  suis  qu'un  homme  et,  je  le  devine,  je  ne  serai  jamais 
qu'un  homme."21  The  sympathetic  Father  endeavored  to 
persuade  him  that  his  nature,  almost  feminine  in  its  sensi- 
tiveness, would  find  free  expansion  in  the  Church.22  The 
night  of  June  24  the  crisis  came.  When  it  was  passed 
he  picked  up  the  cruifix,  which,  in  mad  delirium,  he  had 
dashed  to  the  floor,  and  pressed  it  ardently  to  his  lips. 

Early  in  the  morning  he  wrote  to  his  mother. 
"Grand     Seminaire,    ce    24    juin.     Cinq    heures    du 
matin. 


18.  Ibid. 

19.  Renan,  Les  Souvenirs,  Le  broyeur  de  lin,  II. 

20.  22  juin. 

21.  Ma  Vocation,  p.  431. 

22.  Ibid.,  p.  433. 


20  The  Novels  of  Ferdinand  Fabre 

Ma  mere  cherie,  La  lutte  ou  j'ai  manque  perir 
prend  fin  des  ce  moment.  Dieu  ne  veut  pas  que  je  sois 
pretre  et  je  ne  le  serai  point.  Une  lumiere  m'a  eclaire 
cette  nuit,  j'ai  vu  le  Fils  a  la  droite  du  Pere,  et  la  volonte 
d'en  haut  m'a  etc  clairement  manifestee 

Que  deviendrai-je  dans  le  monde  ou  je  tombe  brus- 
quement,  comme  precipite  du  ciel?  Je  1'ignore.  Je 
sais  seulement  que  les  miseres  dont  j'y  serai  accable  ne 
seront  rien  comparees  a  celles  qui  m'assailliraient  dans  la 
vie  ecclesiastique,  pour  laquelle  je  ne  suis  pas  fait.  Le 
sanctuaire  m'epouvante  a  1'  egal  de  1'Enfer. 

Croyez-moi,  ma  mere,  Dieu  n'est  si  redoutable  qu'a 
ceux  qui  ne  se  detachent  pas  de  lui,  qu'a  ceux  qui  1'aiment. 
C'est  vous  avouer  qu'il  n'entre  dans  ma  resolution  que 
des  motifs  nobles,  des  motifs  dignes  de  votre  enfant 
respectueux  et  soumis,  de  votre  enfant  malheureux,  qui 
n'eut  jamais  plus  besoin  de  votre  tendresse  et  de  vos  soins. 
II  me  semble  du  reste  que,  desormais,  je  vais  vous  aimer, 
davantage,  mon  pere,  ma  tante  et  vous.  Je  me  suis  rendu 
a  moi-meme  et,  du  meme  coup,  je  vous  suis  rendu. 

Ferdinand.23 

Madame  Fabre  came  to  him  at  once,  and  Ferdinand 
was  permitted  to  leave  the  seminary  June  29,  1848,  never 
again  to  take  up  his  studies  for  orders.  He  was  beloved 
by  his  teachers  in  the  seminary  and  departed  with  their 
respect  and  kindly  wishes. 

A  keen  sense  of  the  privation  required  of  a  priest  was 
clearly  the  final  cause  of  Fabre's  withdrawal.  He  felt 
himself  incapable  of  the  sacrifice.  He  says  that  a  semin- 


23.  Ma  Vocation,  p.  441.    Ma  Jeunesse,  p.  26. 


The  Life  and  Literary  Career  of  Ferdinand  Fabre  21 

arist  must  give  himself  up  to  his  Superior,  and  must  sur- 
render his  personal  dignity  and  honor,  and  woe  unto  him 
who  returns  to  claim  what  is  no  longer  his.24  This  he  could 
not  do.  When  he  saw  others  take  orders  and  assume  un- 
moved the  sacred  vows,  he  felt  that  they  had  no  con- 
ception of  the  significance  of  the  step.  To  him  they  were 
incapable  of  profound  emotion.  Father  Laplague  once 
said  to  him,  "Prenez-y  garde,  mon  enfant,  votre  sensi- 
bilite  sera  Tobstacle  de  votre  vie,  elle  vous  perdra."25  It 
proved  to  be  the  obstacle  to  his  clerical  life,  but  obviously 
it  has  been  the  source  of  his  literary  effectiveness.  This 
sensitiveness  often  impelled  him  to  withdraw  from  the 
other  students  to  dream  beside  the  river  Ley.  The  grand- 
eur of  the  mountains  stirred  in  him  a  longing  for  a  full 
expression  of  his  whole  nature.26  Such  freedom  in 
thought  and  conduct  was  denied  to  a  seminarist. 

The  period  following  his  departure  from  the  seminary 
was  one  of  great  unhappiness.  Having  abandoned  a 
vocation  that  promised  success  to  himself  and  protection 
to  his  needy  family,  he  was  received  by  his  former  friends 
with  suspicion  and  distrust.  They  could  not  understand 
that  religious  sincerity,  and  not  indifference,  had  caused 
him  to  break  with  the  Church.  For  the  most  part  the 
people  of  his  native  community  with  whom  he  had  mingled 
were  unusually  devout,  their  religion  even  taking  often 
the  form  of  asceticism.  Incapable  of  appreciating  his 
sufferings  they  deserted  him.  In  his  loneliness  he  escaped 


24.  Ma  Vacation,  p.  423.     Cf.  p.  113,  the  same  idea  in  the 
discussion  of  Lucifer. 

25.  Ma  Jeunesse,  p.  n. 

26.  Cf.  Pellissier,  G.,  Ferdinand  Fabre,  Revue  Bleue,  VII, 
P-  237. 


22  The  Novels  of  Ferdinand  Fabre 

to  the  fields,  woods,  and  mountains  and  to  isolated  spots 
there  to  seek  solace  from  nature,27  the  companion  of  his 
youth.  He  poured  forth  his  sorrow  in  verse  in  imitation 
of  Lamartine.  These  elegiac  poems  which  were  never 
published,  he  called  Larmes.28 

During  these  dreary  days  he  also  read  a  great  deal, 
and  for  the  first  time  from  the  romantic  writers  of  the 
nineteenth  century.  His  enthusiasm  for  Lamartine, 
Hugo,  Musset,  and  especially  Dumas,  pere,29  inspired 
him  with  the  desire  to  live  in  Paris  with  other  young 
poets.  Meanwhile  he  was  greatly  distressed  by  his  help- 
lessness to  decide  upon  a  profession.  Those  who  had  read 
his  poems  advised  his  going  to  Paris.  Although  his  father 
endeavored  to  turn  him  to  a  more  immediate  means  of 
livelihood,  he  sympathized  with  his  son's  literary  ambi- 
tions, and,  toward  the  end  of  October  1849,  accompanied 
him  to  Paris.  Ferdinand  and  his  father  stopped  at  the 
modest  hotel  Walter  Scott.  M.  Fabre,  who  in  1810  had 
been  employed  on  the  palace  of  the  Emperor,  was  fairly 
familiar  with  the  city.  The  first  few  days  they  spent  sight 
seeing.  Neither  he  nor  his  father  had  any  idea  what  the 
young  man  was  to  do.  Like  Flaubert  he  ventured  to  read 
law  for  a  short  time.  With  some  thought  of  studying 
medicine  he  contemplated  entering  the  clinic  of  the  Hopi- 
tal  de  la  Piete,  conducted  by  his  friend,  Dr.  Michon;  but 
he  does  not  seem  to  have  done  so  until  a  few  months  later. 
The  longing  to  enter  the  field  of  letters  made  him  restless, 


27.  Brisson,  A.,  Portraits  intimes,  III,  p.  298. 

28.  Ibid. 

29.  Un  Souvenir  Intime,  written  in  commemoration  of  the 
inauguration    of    the    statue   to    Alexandre    Dumas,    pere,    in 
Place  Malesherbes,  Nov.  4,  1883. 


The  Life  and  Literary  Career  of  Ferdinand  Fabre  23 

and  as  he  had  letters  to  M.  M.  Viennet  and  Florens,30 
both  members  of  the  Academy,  he  appealed  to  them.  They 
gave  him  the  desired  encouragement  that  he  so  much 
needed. 

In  December  his  father  returned  to  Bedarieux,  and  now 
for  the  first  time  Ferdinand  was  forced  to  make  his  way 
alone  without  the  help  and  guidance  of  his  family.  Lack 
of  funds  worried  him,  and  added  to  the  dreariness  of 
these  first  lonely  months  in  Paris,  which  was  just  recover- 
ing from  the  revolution  of  1848.  Fabre  found  himself, 
then,  not  in  an  atmosphere  of  romanticism,  as  he  had  ex- 
pected, but  on  the  contrary  suddenly  plunged  into  a 
world  of  practical  economic  concern.31  In  his  disappoint- 
ment and  loneliness  he  again  set  to  writing  poetry.  These 
verses  and  also  those  which  he  had  written  earlier,  he  read 
to  some  students  and  young  litterateurs  in  the  Latin 
Quarter  to  whom  he  had  letters  of  introduction.  His 
poetry  lacked  originality  and  ease  of  versification  and  so 
had  but  a  cool  reception.  Grieved  at  this  he  escaped  to 
the  solitude  of  his  own  room,  conceiving  a  profound  dis- 
like for  the  cenacles  and  cafes  litteraries  of  the  left  bank.32 
Since  he  could  not  find  sympathy  and  encouragement  from 
others,  he  decided  to  avoid  them,  thinking  that  within 
himself  lay  power  and  inspiration  sufficient  to  gain  him 
recognition. 

In  1852  he  tried  to  find  a  publisher  for  his  poems. 
Arsene  Houssaye  of  the  Artiste  in  refusing  them,  advised 


30.  d'Echerac,  A.,  Litter  ature  Artistique.      (In  La  Gallerie 
Contemporaine,  t.  I.,  2ieme  serie,  (No.  69,  187 — ,). 

31.  Cf.  L'Avenir,  (Lcs  Feuilles  de  Lierre.) 

32.  Pascal,  Ferdinand  Fabre,   {Revue  Bleue,  XIX,  1903,  p. 
623.) 


24  The  Novels  of  Ferdinand  Fabre 

the  young  man  to  try  prose.33  Charpentier,  however, 
published  them  for  him,  February  I,  1853,  under  the  title 
of  Feuilles  de  Lierre.  In  the  preface  he  gives  his  con- 
ception of  modern  poetry  which  is  like  a  great  oak,  the 
main  branches  being  Hugo,  Musset,  Lamartine,  Beranger, 
Vigny.  In  striking  contrast  to  the  originality  and 
independence  of  his  novels,  Fabre  shows  here  con- 
siderable lack  of  confidence.  The  young  poets  are  like 
ivy  twining  about  these  branches,  thus  under  cover  of  their 
genius  and  glory.  This  first  volume  was  in  imitation  of 
Gilbert,  Chenier,  Musset,  and  of  the  odes  and  ballads  of 
Hugo.  On  the  cover  he  announced  a  poem,  Paola,  and 
a  novel,  Maucreux,  named  after  an  ancient  chateau  of 
his  own  country;34  also  three  nouvelles,  Benedict,  Uhis- 
toire  d'une  gamme,  Un  membre  de  I'lnstitut  dans  les 
Pyrenees,  and  Bonjour  Lunettes,  adieu  fillettes.  None  of 
these  were  ever  published,  except  a  part  of  the  first. 
After  this  first  attempt  he  followed  the  advice  of  Hous- 
saye. 

According  to  Fabre  himself,  on  coming  to  Paris  he 
was  still  very  ignorant.35  In  order  to  fill  up  the  lacunae 
in  his  education  he  attended  lectures  in  philosophy,  his- 
tory and  literature  at  the  Sorbonne,  following  those  of 


33.  Claretie,  ].,  Le  Temps,  17  fev.  1898. 

34.  Ibid. 

35.  October  7,  1888,  he  writes  to  a  Paris  editor,  "Apres  des 
etudes  baclees  a  la   diable,  d'abord  chez   un  oncle,  cure  de 
Camplong,  qui  ne  savait  grand'chose;  puis  au  petit  seminaire 
de  Saint-Pons,  chez  des  abbes  qui  ne  savaient  rien;  puis  au 
grand  seminaire  de  Montpellier  chez  des  Lazaristes  qui  venus  de 
Paris   n'etaient  pas  tous   des   imbeciles,   j'arrivai   en   octobre 
1849,  dans  le  voisinage  du  Jardin  des  Plantes."     (Pascal,  o/>. 
cit.,  p.  623).    Cf.  Renan's  statement  of  his  ignorance  on  com- 
ing to  Paris,  op.  cit.  Le  petit  seminaire  de  Saint  Nicholas. 


The  Life  and  Literary  Career  of  Ferdinand  Fabre  25 

Michelet  with  keen  interest.  No  doubt  the  influence  of 
the  great  historian  was  evident  later  in  Fabre's  protests 
against  the  Jesuits.36  Now  he  felt  free  to  read  whatever 
authors  he- wished,  his  conscience  no  longer  denying  him 
the  pleasure  of  knowing  the  wicked  writers  that  so  tempted 
him  as  a  seminarist.  In  fact,  so  keen  was  his  appetite 
for  knowledge  that  during  the  years  of  1850-53  he  scarce- 
ly left  the  Sorbonne,  the  College  de  France,  or  the 
Hdpital  de  la  Piete,  where  he  most  assiduously  followed 
the  clinic37  of  Dr.  Michon.  A  severe  attack  of  indigestion 
resulted  from  such  close  application  to  study,  and  he 
was  compelled  to  return  to  his  native  mountains  to  re- 
cuperate.38 In  July,  1853,  after  a  six  months  absence  he 
returned  to  Paris.39 

During  his  absence  his  ardor  for  the  lectures  at  the 
Sorbonne  had  cooled.  He  planned,  however,  to  devote 
some  time  to  the  study  of  Latin  and  Greek,  and  physiology. 
Again  he  associated  himself  with  Dr.  Michon,  and  in 
order  to  be  near  the  clinic  took  a  small  room  at  the 
Hotel  du  Jardin  in  rue  Copeau. 

He  had,  however,  returned  to  Paris  with  the  set  purpose 
of  devoting  himself  to  writing.  Accordingly  he  began 
a  novel  entitled  Etienne  Thibaut,  which  he  destroyed 
as  soon  as  he  had  it  completed.  He  tried  another, 
Rolande,  which  he  burned.  A  third,  Benedict,  suffered 


36.  Cf .  Le  pretre,  la  femme,  et  la  famille.  Les  Jesuites. 

37.  Cf.  Flaubert  and  Les    Goncourt. 

38.  Pascal,  op.  cit.,  p.  623. 

39.  Mon  Cos  Lit.,  p.  151.    Edmund  Gosse  erroneously  states 
that  Fabre  did  not  return  to  Paris  until  he  was  thirty-two 
years  old.    (Contemporary  Review,  April,  1889).    At  that  time 
Ma  Jeunesse  had  not  been  published.  > 


26  The  Novels  of  Ferdinand  Fabre 

a  somewhat  better  fate,  in  that  the  first  part  was  printed 
in  the  Monde  Artistique  et  Litteraire.  This  periodical, 
however,  led  but  a  struggling  existence  and  soon  died. 
With  it  perished  all  of  Benedict.*0  Many  a  lonesome 
hour  he  spent  in  his  small  room  working  over  his  style, 
for  he  lacked  the  ease  of  composition  of  a  George  Sand. 
Through  a  priest  of  Saint  Sulpice  Fabre  secured  a 
position  as  tutor  in  a  family  of  distinction  where  he 
learned  the  customs  "du  grand  monde,"41  an  opportunity 
that  proved  of  great  value  afterwards  in  writing  Madame 
Fuster  and  Un  Illumine.  Later,  however,  his  father 
was  able  to  give  him  some  financial  assistance,42  which 
enabled  him  to  devote  more  time  to  reading  and  study. 
During  the  next  ten  years  he  worked  very  hard,  and  for 
the  most  part  in  the  library  of  Sainte  Genevieve.  He 
read  voraciously.  Apparently  his  acquaintance  with  the 
nineteenth  century  heretofore  had  been  limited  to  the 
Romantic  school,  for  he  says  as  late  as  1854  he  scarcely 
understood  Balzac  and  Stendhal.43  This  would  indicate 
that  he  still  thought  of  himself  as  a  romanticist  and  that 
he  had  not  yet  begun  to  think  seriously  along  the  lines 


40.  Pascal,  op.  cit.,  p.  623,  in  a  letter  written  Oct.  7,  1888,  by 
Fabre   to   a   journalist   in    regard   to   his   unpublished    works. 
Same  letter  referred  to  in  note,  p.  14,  Cf.  Levallois,  J.,  Me- 
moires  d'un  critique-Le  Milieu  du  siecle,  p.   134.     He  says : 
"Parmi  les  collaborateurs-fondateurs  du  Monde  litteraire   et 
artistique    (Jules    Rouquette   editeur)    se   trouvait   un   vif    et 
charmant  ecrivain,  aussi  inconnu  que  moi.     Dans  notre  mo- 
deste    recueil    Ferdinand    Fabre    entreprit   un    roman    intitule 
Benedict. 

41.  Brisson,  op.  cit.,  p.  299. 

42.  Sarcey,  F.,  Les  Devcinards,   (La  Revue  Hebdomadaire, 
19  fev.  1898,  p.  423). 

43.  Un  Souvenir  Jntime. 


The  Life  and  Literary  Career  of  Ferdinand  Fabre  27 

that  were  later  to  classify  him  among  the  realists,  if  not 
the  naturalists.44  He  also  read  English  literature,  es- 
pecially the  novels  of  Dickens,  Thackeray,  George  Eliot 
and  Trollope,  and  the  Vicar  of  Wakefield.^ 

He  attempted  journalism  but  without  success.  Le 
Figaro  accepted  one  of  his  roman  en  feuilleton,  but  when 
he  called  for  his  pay  Villemessent  cried  out,  "On  va  vous 
payer,  mais  n'y  revenez  plus."46  His  failure  caused  him 
to  consider  seriously  returning  to  Montpellier  to  study 
medicine.  Never  once,  however,  did  he  entertain  any 
thought  of  re-entering  the  Church. 

During  these  years  Fabre  knew  the  groups  of  students 
and  young  litterateurs  of  the  Latin  Quarter,  and  entered 
into  the  animated  discussions  of  art  and  literature  at  the 
Cafe  de  la  Renaissance  and  elsewhere.47  In  these  cot- 
eries his  sensitiveness  received  many  rude  shocks,  from 
which  he  suffered  for  several  days  in  the  solitude  of  his 
little  room.  Never  very  confident  of  his  own  ability,  he  was 
easily  discouraged  by  unfavorable  criticism.  The  pious 
training  received  from  his  mother  and  his  aunt,  and  es- 
pecially from  Abbe  Fulcran  naturally  kept  him  from  the 
freer  habits  of  his  friends,  and  prevented  his  ever  fully 
enjoying  the  life  of  the  great  metropolis.  The  Paris 
where  he  lived,  except  for  the  brief  period  spent  at  Les 
Batignoles,  in  the  quiet  street  of  Puteaux,  was  the  Paris 
of  books  and  schools.  The  vast  tumult  of  Parisian  pas- 


44.  Naturalism  is  usually  defined  as  scientific  realism.     (Cf. 
Doumic,  Hist,  de  la  lit.  /row.,  p.  566). 

45.  See  Lc  Roi  Ramire. 

46.  Brisson,   op.  cit.,  p.  299. 

47.  Cf.  Souvenir  Intime  and   Un  Illumine,  Pascal,  op.  cit., 
p.  656. 


28  The  Novels  of  Ferdinand  Fabre 

sions  were  but  a  spectacle  to  him.48 

Fabre  thus  recounts  the  origin  of  Les  Courbezon.49 
Dining  one  evening  in  August  1857,  with  a  group  of 
friends,  he  was  questioned  concerning  his  literary  pro- 
jects. His  simple  reply  that  he  intended  to  describe  the 
manners  and  customs  of  his  native  Cevenol  people,  produc- 
ed an  outburst  of  laughter.  Stung  by  their  taunts  he  fled 
to  the  solitude  of  his  room,  and  conceived  the  setting  and 
plot  of  his  first  novel.  It  was  to  be  the  story  of  a  simple 
parish  priest,  a  sort  of  Saint  Vincent  de  Paul,  sacrificing 
all  he  had  to  charity,  and  dying  as  a  result  of  his  passion. 
He  chose  the  name  Courbezon  simply  because  it  was 
euphonious.50  In  order  to  be  entirely  alone  he  rented  a 
room  for  two  months  with  a  peasant  family  at  Celle- 
Saint-Cloud.  There  in  the  country  he  wrote  the  first 
pages  of  his  novel.  He  enjoyed  this  retreat  during  the 
holidays  of  the  pupils  whom  he  had  been  tutoring.  Their 
vacation  over,  he  was  forced  to  return  to  Paris  to  take 
up  his  task  of  earning  a  living.  The  following  winter 
was  a  hard  one,  for  still  poor,  he  could  ill  afford  to  devote 
his  time  to  profitless  novel  writing.  During  the  day  he 
often  went  to  the  outer  boulevards  and  in  the  shade  of 
the  fortifications  wrestled  with  his  perplexing  problems 
of  style.  Often  he  returned  at  night  discouraged  and  ex- 
hausted from  his  efforts.  These  spells  of  depression  kept 
him  in  his  room  for  days,  but  finally  faith  in  himself  con- 
quered his  despair.  At  night  he  regained  strength  and 


48.  Pascal,  op.  cit.,  p.  623. 

49.  Man  Cos  litteraire,  pp.  157-162. 

50.  It  was  the  name  of  a  farm  belonging  to  his  brother-in- 
law.     (Man  Cos  Litteraire,  p.  159.) 


The  Life  and  Literary  Career  of  Ferdinand  Fabre  29 

courage  to  take  up  his  task  once  more.  Getting  out  of 
bed  he  would  set  to  work  with  renewed  hopes  for  the 
future.  It  was  then  that  his  pages  seemed  to  him  at 
their  best.81 

As  much  of  Les  Courbezon  was  written  in  comparative 
isolation,  Fabre  found  himself  quite  out  of  touch  with 
other  writers  and  publicists  who  might  be  of  use  to  him 
when  he  wanted  to  publish  the  book.  La  Revue  des 
Deux  Mondes  refused  it.52  In  December  1860,  with 
many  misgivings  as  to  the  quality  of  the  work,  he  took 
the  manuscript  of  his  novel  to  the  Revue  Contemporaine. 
At  the  office  door  his  courage  failed  him,  so  slipping  the 
package  into  the  mail  box,  he  hurried  away.  He  waited 
months  before  hearing  from  it.  Finally,  however,  he 
received  three  lines  signed  by  Alphonse  de  Colonne,  di- 
rector of  the  Revue:  "Les  Courbezon  etaient  un  roman 
remarquable;  ils  paraitraient  prochainement."53  The 
book  was  afterwards  published  by  Hachette  &  Co.  in 
June  1862.  There  were  4,000  copies  of  the  first  edition.54 
Even  after  it  appeared  in  book  form,  Fabre  waited  months 
again  for  some  criticism  in  the  journals.  During  this 
suspense  he  found  joy  and  relief  in  the  composition  of 
Julien  Savignac.  Each  night  he  would  decide  that  on  the 
following  day  he  would  go  consult  the  leading  critics, 
such  as  Sainte-Beuve  of  Le  Constitutionnel,  or  Cuvillier- 
Fleury  of  Les  Debats,  or  de  Pontmartin  of  La  Gazette 
de  France,  or  Jules  Levallois  of  I/ Opinion  Rationale, 


51.  Man  Cos  Lit.,  pp.  162-165. 

52.  Echerac,  op.  cit. 

53.  Man  Cos  Litteraire,  p.  169. 

54.  Ibid.,  p.  171. 


3O  The  Novels  of  Ferdinand  Fabre 

but  in  the  morning  his  natural  timidity  gained  control, 
and  he  merely  worked  the  harder  on  Julien.  At  last, 
April  7,  1863,  Sainte-Beuve  spoke  in  Le  Constitutionnel 
of  the  "vaillants  essais,  des  consciencieuses  etudes  de 
Ferdinand  Fabre,  un  fort  eleve  de  Balzac."55  His  posi- 
tion was  established,  and  the  press  was  interested  in  him. 
La  Gazette  de  France  of  April  22,  contained  a  very  favor- 
able criticism  by  de  Pontmartin.  Contrary  to  what  is 
usually  the  case  with  writers  and  artists,  Fabre  in  his 
first  book  outlined  the  definite  confines  of  his  literary 
field.  Les  Courbezon  was  both  a  clerical  novel  and  a 
roman-champetre.™ 

Since  the  realistic  novel  was  little  known  to  Fabre  as 
late  as  i854,57  it  is  worthy  of  special  note  that  within 
three  years  he  should  have  begun  a  work  in  method  es- 
sentially realistic  in  its  portrayal  of  life  in  the  provinces. 
The  realists  had,  heretofore,  associated  the  priest  only 
with  events  purely  incidental  to  clerical  life,  as  in  Le 
Cure  de  Tours,  and  in  Madame  Bovary.58  Even  in 
Le  Cure  de  Village  the  character  of  Veronique  completely 
overshadows  that  of  Abbe  Bonnet.  Amedee  Pichot  at 
once  compared  Fabre  to  Trollope,59  whose  Barchester 
Towers  appeared  in  1859.  His  predecessors  did  not  enter 
the  Church  itself  and  there  find  the  sole  motive  for  their 
stories  as  did  Fabre.  His  training  and  education  had 


55.  See  Man  Cos  Lit.,  p.  172;  also  Nouveaux  Lundis,  t.  V., 
p.  2  (1863). 

56.  Godet,  Ph.  Bib.  Univ.,  vol.  48,  Oct.,  1890,  p.  10. 

57.  See  p.  26. 

58.  Doumic,  R.,  Le  Cos  de  Ferdinand  Fabre.  (R.  des  Deux 
Mondes,  t  IX  (1903),  p.  929). 

59.  Revue  Brittanique  (1863). 


The  Life  and  Literary  Career  of  Ferdinand  Fabre  3 1 

peculiarly  qualified  him  to  do  just  this  thing.  Therein 
lay  the  uniqueness  of  his  position  as  a  disciple  of  Balzac. 
Fabre's  second  novel  was  strictly  representative  of  the 
roman-champctre.  While  writing  Les  Courbezon  he 
longed  to  write  a  story  about  his  life  at  the  home  of  his 
uncle  at  Camplong,  for  he  felt  that  what  had  so  charmed 
his  life  as  a  boy  was  well  worthy  of  artistic  treatment. 
He  began  Julien  Savignac  in  November  1859.  He  took 
keener  pleasure  in  it  than  in  Les  Courbezon,  for  it  con- 
tained more  of  personal  reminiscence.  It  appeared  in 
February  1863,  eight  months  after  his  first  novel.  It  de- 
lighted Pontmartin  who  in  criticism  said,"  En  somme 
Julien  Savignac  me  semble  plus  parfait  que  Les  Courbezon, 
et  ne  laisse  plus  de  doute  sur  les  aptitudes  du  talent  vigour- 
eux  de  M.  Ferdinand  Fabre,  qui  sait  se  plier  aux  delica- 
tesses  des  plus  exquises  natures  feminines,  qui  ne  sacrifie 
ni  1'ideal  au  reel,  ni  le  reel  a  1'ideal,  et  qui  sans  rien 
perdre  de  ses  excellentes  qualites  de  paysagiste,  donne  une 
valeur  suffisante  a  1'etude  des  sentiments  et  des  caracteres. 
Les  Courbezon  pouvaient  n'etre  qu'une  bonne  rencontre, 
un  adroit  coup  de  pioche  dans  une  mine  inexploree:  mais 
Julien  Savignac  est  la  plus  heureuse  et  la  plus  concluante 
des  recidives.  Desormais  nous  comprenons  que  1'auteur 
de  ces  deux  charmants  volumes  decline  le  titre  de  plus 
"fort  eleve  de  Balzac,"60  qui  lui  a  ete  decerne  par  un  il- 
lustre  critique.  Non,  M.  Ferdinand  Fabre  n'est  plus  et 
ne  peut  plus  etre  que  son  propre  eleve,  car  M.  Ferdinand 
Fabre  est  decidement  un  maitre."61  Pontmartin  proved 
to  be  correct  in  his  estimate,  for  it  soon  became  evident 


60.  See  p.  30  . 

61.  Gazette  de  France,  (1863).    See  Man.  Cos  Lit.,  p.  173. 


32  The  Novels  of  Ferdinand  Fabre 

that  Fabre  was  establishing  a  distinct  genre  of  his  own. 

Mademoiselle  de  Malaveille  appeared  in  1865.  Purely 
imaginative,  it  lacked  Fabre's  most  characteristic  note, 
personal  experience  and  reminiscence. 

Desirous  of  describing  sections  of?  his  native  mountains 
that  were  wild  and  more  remote  than  those  described  in 
in  earlier  novels,  Fabre  places  the  scene  of  Le  Chevrier,*2 
in  the  higher  ranges  of  the  Cevennes.63  Pascal  asserts64 
that  in  picturing  to  himself  the  scenes  and  characters  of 
his  rustic  stories  of  the  mountains  and  moorlands  of  his 
native  country,  Fabre  more  easily  and  clearly  formulated 
his  ideas  in  patois.  This  patois,  however,  not  being  read- 
ily understood  outside  the  region,  the  author  of  Le 
Chevrier  conceived  the  idea  of  putting  into  the  mouths 
of  his  characters  the  speech  of  the  renaissance,  that  of 
Rabelais,  Montaigne,  Amyot,  which  for  its  quaintness  of 
phraseology,  resembled  more  his  patois  than  did  the  classic 
French.65  George  Sand  in  her  romans-champetres  was 
really  his  inspiration  for  this,  i  Her  language,  however, 
was  so  modified  as  to  be  intelligible  to  both  Parisian  and 
provincial.  Fabre  was  even  more  successful  than  was  the 
author  of  Francois  Le  Champi.  On  the  score  of  the 
peasant  language,  nevertheless,  Sainte-Beuve  criticized  Le 
Chevrier  in  a  letter  to  Fabre  under  the  date  of  September 
27,  i867.66 

"Cher  Monsieur, 


62.  1867. 

63.  Mon  Cos  Lit,  p.  177 

64.  Op.  cit.,  p.  658. 

65.  See  the  present  author's  article  on  the  language  of  Le 
Chevrier,  Modern  Philology,  March,  1918. 

66.  Correspondence,  t.  II,  p.  211. 


The  Life  and  Literary  Career  of  Ferdinand  Fabre  33 

Depuis  que  j'ai  regu  Le  Chevrier,  j'ai  bien  des  fois 
pense  a  vous,  et,  si  mon  remerciment  n'est  pas  alle  plus 
tot  vous  trouver,  c'est  que  ma  sante  me  dispose  souvent 
a  remettre  ce  que  j'aimerais  le  mieux  faire.  II  faudrait 
toute  une  dissertation  pour  traiter  avec  vous  les  questions 
que  souleve  ce  roman  d'art  et  de  style.  II  y  a  des  etudes 
doublement  savantes  dans  votre  tableau;  celle  du  pays  et 
des  moeurs,  celle  du  language.  Sur  ce  dernier  point,  vous 
avez  pris,  en  quelque  sorte,  le  taureau  ou  du  moins  le 
bouc  par  les  comes;  en  soutenant  la  gageure  pendant  un 
aussi  longtemps,  vous  avez  fait  un  tour  de  force.  Mais 
selon  moi,  ce  n'est  qu'un  tour  de  force.  J'aurais  mieux 
aime  que  cet  essai  de  language  rustique  composite,  a  la 
maniere  de  George  Sand  et  de  Paul  Courier,  ne  regnat 
point  durant  toute  1'etendue  du  livre.  Si  vous  aviez  pris 
la  parole  vous-meme,  si  de  temps  en  temps  seulement  vous 
aviez  introduit  vos  personnages  avec  le  langage  observe 
et  studieusement  na'if  que  vous  leur  pretez,  vous  auriez 
sauve  quelques  invraisemblances,  quelques  incompatibil- 
ites,  et  donne,  ce  me  semble,  plus  de  satisfaction  au  lecteur. 
II  y  a  un  peu  de  contention  a  vous  suivre,  tout  en  goutant 
de  charmants  passages.  Je  ne  vous  donne  point  ces  im- 
pressions rapides  pour  jugement.  II  faudrait  aussi  ecouter 
vos  raisons,  car  vous  en  avez  eu ;  et,  dans  tous  les  cas,  vous 
avez  fait  dans  cette  oeuvre  acte  d'artiste.67 

Frederic  Mistral  was  much  pleased  with  the  qualities 
that  Sainte-Beuve  questioned.  At  the  instance  of  friends 
Fabre  sent  Mistral  a  copy  of  the  book,  and  wrote  him 
requesting  an  opinion  of  its  worth.  In  reply  he  said  in 


67.  Pascal.     Op.  cit.,  p.  658.     (Date  of  letter  was  June  26, 
1868.     Pascal  quotes  it  as  1866.) 


34  The  Novels  of  Ferdinand  Fabre 

part,"Le  Chewier  est  un  livre  consciencieux  et  ecrit 
goutte  a  goutte  d'observation  locale.  On  voit  que  vous 
avez  beaucoup  hante  les  causses  des  Cevennes,  que  vous 
avez  vecu  de  la  vie  des  rdiou,  que  vous  avez  reve  1'idylle 
sous  les  plantureux  chataigniers.  On  sent  que  vous 
aimez  votre  pays  natal,  que  vous  aimez  la  gent  rustique ; 
et  vrai  fils  de  la  terre,  vous  comprenez  le  sens  du  paysage,  et 
ce  que  dit  le  vent,  et  ce  dont  parle  1'arbre  et  ce  que  pense 
1'homme.  Us  sont  parfaits,  vos  paysans,  et  vos  person- 
nages  sont  vrais,  vivants  et  sympathiques.  Vous  n'inventez 
pas  la  nature.  Vous  exprimez  avec  bonheur  ce  qu'elle  a 
mis  autour  de  vous,  et  vous  1'exprimez  d'une  maniere 
savoureuse  et  charmante,"68  Mistral  saw,  then,  in  Fabre 
a  realist  whose  descriptions  were  not  unaffected  by  per- 
sonal sympathy. 

It  seemed  to  Fabre  that  Le  Chevrier  contained  the 
subject  matter  for  a  play.  So  in  1880  he  dramatized  the 
story  in  modern  French,  changing  the  name  to 
L' Hospitaller  e.  It  was  produced  once,  March  26,  1881, 
at  Cassel,  Germany,  under  the  title  of  Felice.69 

Like  Flaubert,  while  writing  one  type  of  novel,  Fabre 
was  eager  to  be  working  on  another.  He  sought  relief 
from  Les  Courbezon  in  Julien  Savignac.  So  in  the  midst 
of  his  description  of  rustic  life  in  the  Cevennes  his  Im- 
agination was  fired  with  a  desire  to  write  a  sort  of 
Comedie  clericale.  He  says,  "Qui  mieux  que  moi,  frais 
emoulu  de  deux  seminaires,  qui  mieux  que  moi,  parmi  les 
ecrivains  de  ma  generation,  avait  ete  prepare  a  pareille 


68.  Pascal,  op.  cit.,  p.  659.     (Date  of  letter,  July  4,  1868,  was 
furnished  by  M.  Duviard.) 

69.  M.  Duviard. 


The  Life  and  Literary  Career  of  Ferdinand  Fabre  35 

oeuvre?"70  His  opportunities  for  studying  all  phases  of 
ecclesiastical  life  were  exceptional,  even  almost  unique  in 
their  range.  He  felt  as  if  he  were  entering  a  privileged 
field.  He  was  above  all  an  observer  and,  like  the  Gon- 
courts,  wished  to  write  only  of  what  he  knew  by  actual 
experience.  "Dans  1'Eglise,  j'etais  saisi,  touche  tout  de 
suite,"  he  says.  "II  n'etait  pas  un  detail,  du  benitier  au 
tabernacle,  dans  le  domaine  des  choses,  du  plus  humble 
desservant  au  Souverain  Pontife,  dans  le  domaine  des 
hommes,  qui,  empreint  pour  moi  de  quelque  souvenir 
suave  ou  terrible,  ne  me  remuat  tete  et  coeur.  Ici,  sous 
les  voutes  d'une  cathedrale,  dans  le  palais  d'un  eveque, 
dans  le  presbytere  d'un  doyen,  dans  un  couvent  de  regu- 
liers,  j'allais  de  ma  libre  allure,  j'etais  a  la  maison,  tout 
m'appartenait,  les  echos  me  repondaient  d'une  voie  amie,"71 
With  this  definite  policy  in  mind,  he  conceived  the 
plot  and  manner  of  treatment  of  L'Abbe  Tigrane,  which 
is  generally  conceded  to  be  his  masterpiece. 

Sometime  during  the  year  of  1872  Fabre  requested 
Francisque  Sarcey  to  use  his  influence  with  Marcelin,  the 
editor  of  La  Vie  Parisienne,  a  weekly  devoted  to  clever 
delineation  of  the  various  phases  of  modern  life,  to  let 
him  place  a  novel  there.  The  famous  critic  told  him 
that  his  only  chance  with  Marcelin  would  be  a  highly 
colored  study  of  clerical  life.72  Fabre  gladly  followed  the 
suggestion  and  three  months  afterwards  sent  his  friend 
a  nouvelle,  which  although  not  suited  for  La  Vie  Paris- 


70.  Mon  Cos  Lit.,  p.  181. 

71.  Mon  Cos  Lit.,  p.   182.     Also  cf.  letter  to   Pontmartin, 
March  31,  1881,  (Pascal,  op.  cit.,  p.  659). 

72.  Sarcey,  op.  cit.,  Rev.  Heb.  19  fev. 


36  The  Novels  of  Ferdinand  Fabre 

ienne,  proved  to  be  the  beginning  of  L'  Abbe  Tigrane. 
The  previous  year  Fabre  had  been  invited  to  pass  the 
autumn  with  a  pious  friend  at  his  Chateau  Montgauch  in 
the  department  of  L'Ariege.  There  he  met  several 
priests,  one  of  whom  greatly  aroused  his  interest  and  curi- 
osity. He  was  a  well  educated  man,  who  had  for  years 
been  striving  for  an  appointment  to  a  bishopric.  It  was 
an  exact  portrayal  of  this  priest,  a  compact  essay  of  twenty 
pages,  that  Fabre  sent  Sarcey,  who  was  greatly  impressed 
with  the  intensity  of  the  description.73  He  wrote  to  the 
author  that  it  was  rather  the  subject  matter  for  a  novel 
than  a  nouvelle.  A  second  time  his  suggestion  was  fol- 
lowed and  the  result  was  a  book  that  appealed  to  so  emi- 
nent a  critic  as  Walter  Pater  almost  more  than  any  work 
in  modern  fiction.74  The  book  appeared  the  igth  of  May, 
i873.75  Barbey  d'Aurevilly  calls  attention  to  the  origin- 
ality of  the  book  in  that  there  are  no  women  characters.76 
A  novel  without  women  appearing  in  Paris  in  the  igth 
century  ought,  by  all  theories  of  popularity,  to  meet  with 
complete  failure.  On  the  contrary  it  at  once  brought 
fame  to  the  author.  It  is  all  the  more  a  tour  de  force 
because  love,  both  with  himself  and  with  his  heroes,  was 
unusually  vehement.  It  reminds  one  of  Flaubert's  phe- 
nomenal success  with  the  bourgeois  type  which  he  hated. 
Fabre  shows  that  the  passion  of  ambition  can  interest  as 


73.  Brisson,  op.  cit.,  p.  301. 

74.  Gosse,  op.  cit.,  p.  526. 

75.  Translated  into  English  by  Rev.  Leonard  Woolsey  Ba- 
con, N.  Y.,  1875. 

76.  Le  Roman  Contemporain,  p.  183.    There  are  two  minor 
women  characters.     Baroness  Thevenot,  moreover,  is  essen- 
tial to  the  portrayal  of  Tigrane. 


The  Life  and  Literary  Career  of  Ferdinand  Fabre  37 

completely  as  the  banal  passion  of  love.  To  rise  in  the 
Church  hierarchy  is  a  sort  of  specialized  ambition  peculiar 
to  a  priest,  because  he  is  neither  lover,  husband,  nor 
father.77  By  the  crushing  of  other  natural  passions  in 
the  life  of  a  celibate,  all  his  energy  concentrates  in  this  one 
avenue  left  open  to  him.  This  is  the  study  presented  in 
L'Abbe  Tigrane.  The  theme  is  to  be  found  in  Fabre's 
first  novel,  where  he  makes  Abbe  Ferrand  say,  "L'ambition 
est  notre  incurable  plaie."78 

Although  the  personal  friendship  of  Fabre  and  Taine 
dates  from  only  about  1889,  we  read  in  a  letter  under  the 
date  of  May  12,  1873,  Taine's  appreciation  of  Tigrane. 
"Depuis  Madame  B ovary  il  n'a  paru  que  trois  ou  quatre 
rornans,  et  celui-ci  ( Tigrane}  en  est  un,  puisqu'  on  y  trouve 
de  la  verite,  des  types,  deux  grands  caracteres,  point 
d'amour,  et  un  monde  des  plus  inconnus  et  des  plus  import- 
ants.  Nous  ignorons  la  France,  le  paysan,  1'ouvrier,  le 
pretre,  le  seminariste,  le  couvent,  la  caserne.  Balzac  n'a  fait 
qu'un  quart  de  la  grande  enquete  sociale  et  morale ;  quand 
je  vois  quelqu'un  qui  la  recommence  avec  competence  et 
impartialite,  j'eprouve  un  vif  plaisir. . .  .On  me  dit  que, 
dans  un  autre  roman,  vous  avez  aussi  peint  les  moeurs 
clericales,  et  que  vous  les  avez  touchees  de  pres,  je  vous 
felicite  d'avoir  garde  la  haute  indifference  de  1'artiste  qui 
n'a  pas  de  rancunes,  et  qui  dit  le  bien  aussi  librement  que  le 
mal.  L'Eveque  et  Tigrane  sont  de  noble  et  grande 
espece.  Avec  Balzac  et  Stendhal  (Rouge  et  Noir,  Cure 


77.  Barbey  d'Aurevilly,  op.  cit.,  p.  183.     Cf.  also  Quarterly 
Review,vo\.  38,  p.  190,  and  Jules  Lemaitre,  Les  Contemporains, 
II,  p.  297. 

78.  Les  Courbezon,  p.  89. 


3 8  The  Novels  of  Ferdinand  Fabre 

de  Tours} ce  sont  nos  seuls  portraits  ecclesiastiques."79 
A  new  phase,  then,  is  apparent  in  Fabre's  literary  develop- 
ment. To  Mistral  his  descriptions  were  touched  with 
personal  feeling.  To  Taine  he  is  an  impartial  portrayer 
of  character.  In  that  respect  he  is  a  naturalist,  but  neither 
in  Tigrane  nor  in  any  of  his  later  novels  does  he  enter 
into  the  pathological  studies  and  scientific  analysis  of  vice 
that  is  the  special  pride  of  naturalists,  such  as  the  Gon- 
courts  and  Zola. 

The  publication  of  this  remarkable  study  of  sacerdotal 
ambition,  brought  the  author  enemies  as  well  as  friends. 
The  catholic  press  did  not  accept  it  kindly,  and  an  un- 
successful attempt  was  made  to  have  the  book  placed  upon 
the  Index.80  The  Church  party  were  not  so  ready  as 
was  Taine  to  recognize  the  impersonal  point  of  view. 
Pontmartin,  who  had  been  so  prompt  to  praise  both  Les 
Courbezon  and  Julien  Savignac,  remained  now  absolutely 
silent.  Fabre  was  both  surprised  and  grieved  to  learn 
that  he  was  accused  of  malevolent  intent  in  writing  the 
book.81 

In  Le  Marquis  de  Pierrerue,  which  appeared  in  1874 
in  two  volumes,  La  rite  du  Puits  qui  parle  and  Le  Carmel 
de  Vaugirard,  Fabre  transplants  himself  to  Paris.  In 
proper  names  only  does  he  seem  to  introduce  what  was 
familiar  to  him  as  a  boy.  The  story  has  to  do  with  his 
early  years  at  Paris,  and  of  all  his  writings  it  gives  us 
the  best  idea  of  his  life  there  as  a  student.  To  a  large  ex- 


79.  Pascal,  op.  cit.,  p.  661. 

80.  Cf.  Le  R.  P.  Colomban,  published  in  the  same  volume 
with  Norine. 

81.  Cf.  Mon  Cos  Lit.,  p.  175. 


The  Life  and  Literary  Career  of  Ferdinand  Fabre  39 

tent  he  lends  his  own  character  to  Theven  Falzonet,  and 
is  recounting  his  own  experiences  in  his  search  for  know- 
ledge. Although  he  felt  himself  a  stranger  in  Paris,  he  is 
as  truly  writing  from  observation  and  personal  experience 
as  in  his  Cevenol  novels.  "La  maison  des  missions 
etrangeres  de  la  rue  du  Bac"  was  known  to  him  just  as 
the  presbytery  and  the  seminary  were.82  In  1890  he  con- 
densed the  two  volumes  into  one  under  the  name  of  Un 
Illumine. 

Barnabe,  which  appeared  in  September  1874,  was  dedi- 
cated to  Hector  Malot,  as  an  expression  of  friendship. 
The  story  is  again  an  idyll  of  his  boyhood,  telling  of  his 
relations  with  one  of  the  Free  Brethren  of  Saint  Francis.83 
Young  Ferdinand  learned  to  know  intimately  these  coarse 
men,  as  he  learned  to  know  all  classes  in  the  parish  of  his 
uncle  at  Camplong.  Mon  Oncle  Celestin  was  published 
in  1881.  Here  and  in  Monsieur  Jean  (1886),  the  author 
leads  the  reader  intimately  into  his  life  at  Camplong, 
portraying  the  beautiful  character  of  his  uncle  with  a 
greater  admiration  and  affection  than  in  any  of  his  other 
novels.  M.  Pellissier  thinks  that  "Mon  Oncle  Celestin" 
is  one  of  the  most  exquisite  characters  in  all  French  rom- 
antic literature.84 

La  Petite  Mere  appeared  in  Le  Temps  in  1887.  There 
were  four  volumes  in  book  form :  La  paroisse  du  jugement 
dernier;  Le  Calvaire  de  la  baronne  Fuster;  Le  combat  de 
la  fabrique  Bergonnier;  L'Hospice  des  enfants  assistes. 


82.  Topin,  M.,  Romanciers  contemporains,  p.  192. 

83.  These  men  lived  in  mountain  hermitages,  and  were  for 
the  most  part  dirty  brawling  beggars.     Recruited   from  the 
fields,  they  lacked  all  clerical  consecration. 

84.  Ferdinand  Fabre,  Revue  des  Revues,  1903,  vol.  46,  p.  437. 


40  The  Novels  of  Ferdinand  Fabre 

Later  Fabre  condensed  these  four  into  one  which  appeared 
in  1887  under  the  title  of  Madame  Fuster. 

In  May  1878  appeared  Le  Roman  d'un  peintre.  It 
was  the  biography  of  his  friend,  Jean-Paul  Laurens,  the 
artist,  whose  acquaintance  he  made  in  i86685  through 
that  other  close  friend,  Antonin  Mule,  to  whom  the  book 
is  dedicated.  A  similar  conception  of  art  immediately 
drew  Fabre  to  Laurens.  The  work  of  both  bore  strongly 
the  impress  of  their  personalities,  which  were  not  unlike. 
They  were  both  fond  of  ecclesiastical  subjects,  and  Lau- 
rens illustrated  some  of  Fabre's  books.86  He  also  painted 
a  life  size  portrait  of  his  friend  for  his  rooms  in  the  In- 
stitute. 

Fabre  was  decorated  with  the  Legion  of  Honor  in 
1878.  On  the  death  of  Jules  Sandeau,  he  was  appointed, 
April  27,  1883,  to  succeed  him  as  Curator  of  the  Bib- 
liotheque  Mazarine.  He  held  this  office  until  November 
1 8,  i893.87  In  that  capacity  he  occupied  a  suite  of  rooms 
in  the  Institute,  2  rue  de  Seine,  where  he  lived  quietly  in 
comparative  seclusion  until  his  death,  without  other  in- 
cident in  his  life  than  the  publication  of  his  books.  On  ac- 
count of  his  literary  attainments,  La  Societe  de  gens  de  let- 
tres  in  February  1891  awarded  him  the  first  prize  on  the 
Chauchard  Foundation. 

In  1884  appeared  Lucifer,  the  second  of  his  strictly 
clerical  novels.  Here  he  speaks  out  most  boldly  and  bit- 
terly against  the  government  of  the  Catholic  Church. 


85.  Le  Roman  d'un  peintre,  p.  235. 

86.  L'Abbe  Tigrane,  Julien  Savignac,  Le  Chevrier,  L'Abbt 
Roitelet. 

87.  M.  P.  Marais. 


The  Life  and  Literary  Career  of  Ferdinand  Fabre  41 

Against  the  Jesuits  particularly  is  his  attack  directed. 
Even  in  his  first  novel  he  condemned  celibacy  as  being  un- 
natural, but  in  Lucifer  apparently  he  considers  it  a  wick- 
ed principle.  His  main  cause  for  protest,  however,  is 
against  the  Church  organization  and  hierarchy.  He  no 
longer  limits  himself  to  recounting,  but  declaims  against 
what  he  calls  the  servility  of  the  clergy.88  Between  the 
dates  of  Tigrane,  1873,  and  Luctfer,  1884,  occurred  the 
triumph  of  naturalism,  the  type  of  literature  that  portrays 
all  conditions  of  life  as  they  are,  and  often  with  the  definite 
intent  to  protest  and  with  the  purpose  to  improve.  Far 
more  than  Tigrane,  Lucifer  implies  such  a  motive  in  the 
author.  Fabre's  early  fondness  for  personal  liberty  would 
infallibly  lead  him  to  protest  against  a  regime  that  denied 
it  to  others.  He  himself  asserts  that  his  ideas  toward  the 
Church  had  through  the  years  been  gradually  assuming 
more  definite  shape,  and  growing  more  bitter.89  He  had 
lost  other  friends  than  Pontmartin.  Many  of  his  readers, 
however,  were  more  pleased  with  Lucifer  than  Tigrane. 
Among  these  was  About.  But  it  must  be  remembered  he 
had  already  written  La  Question  Romaine,  an  anti-clerical 
protest,  and  felt  more  incensed  than  Fabre  against  the 
power  of  the  Jesuits. 

In  the  peaceful  retirement  of  his  rooms  he  lived  over 
again  in  his  books  his  life  in  the  Cevennes.  The  first  of 
these  novels  of  earlier  days  were  Monsieur  Jean  and 
Toussaint  Galabru  (1887).  He  would  often  pause  in 
his  writing  to  listen  to  the  happy  gold  finch,  which  he  had 
brought  from  Bedarieux.  The  bird's  singing  revived 


88.  Doumic,  op.  cit.,  p.  933. 

89.  Mon  Cos  Lit.,  p.  175. 


42  The  Novels  of  Ferdinand  Fabre 

memories  of  former  escapades  in  company  with  the  friends 
of  his  boyhood.  The  result  was  perhaps  the  prettiest 
of  all  his  love  idylls,  Norine,  (1889).  The  following 
year  he  wrote  L'Abbe  Roitelet,  and  also  Xaviere,  of  which 
there  were  several  copies  de  luxe  printed,  at  50  francs 
each.90  This  honor  greatly  pleased  Fabre.  In  1891 
there  appeared  Sylviane  and  Germy.  Mon  Ami  Gaffarot 
was  printed  in  La  Revue  de  Paris,  1884.  Taillevent  was 
published  the  same  year. 

Ma  location  (April  30,  1889)  is  practically  an  auto- 
biography of  the  years  1845-48,  based  on  what  purports 
to  be  a  daily  journal  begun  at  the  instance  of  his  Uncle 
Fulcran,  during  the  boy's  stay  at  Camplong,  with  hope 
of  teaching  him  to  express  his  thoughts  in  terms  of  pious 
sentiments.  Although  the  journal  failed  to  contain  many 
pious  sayings,  it  does  furnish  data  as  to  what  was  most 
formative  in  his  mental  and  spiritual  development.  When 
the  uncle  died  in  iSyi91  his  papers  were  burned  and  with 
them  most  of  Ferdinand's  journal  dating  from  1842-45. 
Only  the  last  note  book  was  saved,  and  it  was  this  frag- 
ment that  Fabre  later  embodied  in  Ma  Vocation.92'  If 
this  met  with  success,  he  intended  publishing  Ma  Vocation 
litteraire,  a  journal  of  Paris,  describing  his  struggle  to 


90.  They  contained  thirty-six  photogravures,  nine  in  each  of 
the  four  parts. 

91.  M.  Pellissier  is  incorrect  in  saying  that  when  Abbe  Ful- 
cran died,  Ferdinand  went  to  the  "Petit  seminaire  de  la  Mon- 
tagne  noire"  (Etudes  Lit.  Contemp).  He  was  probably  misled 
by  the  last  paragraph  of  Monsieur  Jean.     While  at  the  petit 
seminaire  he   frequently   spent  his  vacations  with  his  uncle. 
(Doumic,  Le  Cos  de  Ferdinand  Fabre.) 

92.  Mademoiselle  Abeille  (fragments  de  mon  journal),  1887, 
was  also  a  part  of  Ma  Vocation. 


The  Life  and  Literary  Career  of  Ferdinand  Fabre  43 

throw  off  his  almost  crushing  load  of  ignorance  on  first 
coming  to  the  capital.  The  religious  note  in  the  title  was 
to  indicate  the  ardor  with  which  he  took  up  literature  and 
the  heroism  with  which  he  resisted  all  opposition  to  a  career 
of  letters.  His  religious  enthusiasm  and  sincerity  merely 
changed  its  course  into  literature.  His  aims  were  just  as 
noble  and  pure  as  had  been  those  of  his  ecclesiastical  call- 
ing.93 Much  suffering  from  rheumatism  and  other  illness 
prevented  his  undertaking  this  second  volume  of  souvenirs 
which  would  have  been  of  inestimable  value  in  under- 
standing his  earlier  literary  ideals. 

The  first  chapters  of  Ma  Jeunesse  were  interrupted  by 
illness,  and  in  the  form  in  which  they  were  published  in 
1903,  they  are  little  more  than  notes.  The  first  part,  en- 
titled Ma  Jeunesse,  is,  however,  more  nearly  complete 
than  the  other  two.  Here  he  again  recounts  his  exper- 
iences at  the  higher  seminary,  which  he  told  much  better 
in  Ma  Vocation.  He  also  tries  to  show  how  his  point 
of  view  and  general  attitude  toward  the  sacred  calling  of 
the  priesthood  differs  from  that  held  by  the  majority  of 
the  peasant  boys  when  they  are  about  to  take  the  eternal 
vows  imposed  by  the  Church.  Mon  Cas  Litteraire, 
fragmentary  as  it  is,  was  probably  the  beginning  of  his 
projected  Ma  Vocation  Litteraire.  The  last  part, 
Monseigneur  Fulgence,  also  incomplete,  is  an  expression 
of  his  thoughts  in  regard  to  the  proper  relations  of  Church 
and  State.  He  was  also  working  on  another  novel,  call- 
ed Le  Bercail,94  only  a  small  fragment  of  which  wa? 
written  when  his  last  illness  came  upon  him.  The  sub- 


93.  Pascal,  op.  cit.,  p.  622. 

94.  Gosse,  op.  cit..  p.  525. 


44  The  Novels  of  Ferdinand  Fabre 

ject  matter  of  this  fragment  is  the  isolation  and  misery 
to  which  a  man  is  reduced  who  breaks  violently  with  the 
Church.95  He  is  an  object  of  suspicion  and  hate,  and  is 
treated  as  an  outcast  by  those  whom  he  has  left.90  Fabre 
once  said  to  M.  Brisson,  when  discussing  his  projected 
novel,  "Rien  n'est  plus  terrible.  Vous  n'imaginez  pas 
les  confidences  que  j'ai  recueillies.  Ces  gens-la  sent  des 
martyrs."97  We  may  infer,  then,  that  Le  Bercail  would 
have  been  of  the  nature  of  Lucifer,  a  psychological  novel. 
In  his  later  years  he  brought  against  himself  much  ani- 
mosity on  the  part  of  the  ultramontanists,  who  saw  in  his 
L 'Abbe  Tigrane  and  Lucifer  only  the  set  purpose  of  at- 
tacking the  pontificate  of  Pius  IX  and  the  oecumenical 
decisions  promulgated  through  the  Syllabus  of  1870. 
Stung  by  the  accusations  of  his  enemies  in  1889,  '*e  de- 
fended himself  and  stated  his  old  position  in  terms  as 
clear  as  any  on  record.  "Je  ne  suis  pas  alle  a  1'eglise  de 
propos  delibere  pour  la  peindre  et  pour  la  juger,  encore 
moins  pour  faire  d'elle  metier  et  marchandise;  1'eglise  est 
venue  a  moi,  s'est  imposee  a  moi  par  la  force  d'une  longue 
frequentation,  par  les  emotions  poignantes  de  ma  jeunesse, 
par  un  gout  tenace  de  mon  esprit,  ouvert  de  bonne  heure 
a  elle,  a  elle  seule,  et  j'ai  ecrit  tout  le  long  de  1'ame. . . . 
De  la  une  serie  de  livres  sur  les  desservants,  les  cures, 
les  chanoines,  les  eveques."98  Here  it  would  seem  that 
he  had  not  approached  the  Church  in  an  unfriendly  spirit, 
but  the  Church  having  come  to  him,  he,  as  a  realist,  por- 


95.  M.  Duviard. 

96.  Cf.  Vignerte  in  Lucifer,  p.  393. 

97.  Brisson,  op.  cit.,  p.  302. 

98.  Ma  Vocation,  p.  20.    Cf .  also  letter  to  Pontmartin,  March 
31,  1881  (Pascal,  op.  cit.,  p.  659). 


The  Life  and  Literary  Career  of  Ferdinand  Fabre  45 

trayed  all  that  he  saw  and  felt  therein.  Neither  does 
his  statement  prevent  our  believing  that  he  expressed  his 
own  convictions  in  the  words  of  Jourfier,  and  that  he  was 
assuming  the  role  of  the  naturalist." 

He  was  a  candidate  three  times  for  the  Academy. 
Twice  election  was  almost  within  reach,  but  an  opponent 
had  appeared  at  the  last  moment,  and  for  political,  not 
literary  reasons,  he  was  defeated.  Eventually  it  was 
thought  he  was  sure  of  election.  His  modesty  forced  his 
friends  to  seek  votes  for  him.  Jules  Lemaitre,  Jules 
Claretie,  Henry  Houssaye,  Ludovic  Halevy  were  among 
his  most  loyal  supporters.  When  working  for  himself,  it  is 
said  that  he  used  to  draw  from  his  pocket  a  letter,  yellow 
with  age,  written  by  Taine  expressing  his  esteem  for  the 
author  of  Le  Chevrier,  and  display  it  as  evidence  of  his 
claims  for  the  honor  he  sought.  Faguet  was  one  of  his  op- 
ponents and  he  said  that  wherever  he  went  seeking  votes 
for  himself  he  was  told,  "Nous  sommes  pour  cette  election, 
engages  avec  M.  Ferdinand  Fabre."100  Fabre  suffered 
during  much  of  his  life  from  rheumatism  and  asthma,  and 
during  the  last  three  years  from  neuralgia  in  his  right 
shoulder,  so  that  months  at  a  time  he  could  not  write  a 
line.  During  the  last  months  of  1897  he  was  so  feeble 
that  he  was  unable  to  seek  votes  for  the  coming  election 
of  the  Academy,  but  depended  solely  upon  his  friends. 
Previously  some  of  the  members  had  voted  against  him 


99.  M.  Duviard  says  in  a  recent  communication,  "Je 
vous  affirmer  de  la  fac.on  la  plus  absolue  que  M.  Fabre  non 
settlement  n'appartenait  pas  a  la  coterie  anticlericale  que  vous 
me  nommez,  mais  n'a  meme  jamais  etc  anticlericale  en   son 
particulier.     II  respectait  1'Eglise  et  1'etudia  impartialement." 

100.  Sarcey,  op.  cit. 


46  The  Novels  of  Ferdinand  Fabre 

because  they  considered  his  writings  anti-religious,  others 
because  they  were  too  clerical ;  but  now  all  obstacles  seem- 
ed removed.  The  cardinals  were  appeased  and  he  was 
to  be  chosen  to  the  chair  of  Meilhac  at  the  next  election 
in  March  1898.  He  died  February  n,  from  a  compli- 
cation of  la  grippe  and  pneumonia.  He  was  buried  the 
1 5th  of  February  in  Montparnasse  cemetery.  The  pall 
bearers  were  Paul-Jean  Laurens,  Jules  Claretie,  Jules 
Lemaitre,  and  Henry  Houssaye,  with  the  exception  of 
Laurens,  all  members  of  the  Academy.  The  addresses 
were  delivered  by  Lemaitre  and  Houssaye.101  A  monu- 
ment to  Fabre's  memory  was  placed  in  the  Luxemburg 
gardens  in  1903.  The  bust  of  the  author  rests  upon  a 
pedestal  upon  which  is  sculptured  a  goat  herd  and  his 
goat. 

Fabre  was  survived  by  his  wife  whose  maiden  name 
was  Hermance  de  Beauregard,  of  the  noble  family  of 
Bourdier  de  Beauregard  of  le  Bourbonnais.102  She  was 
a  woman  of  superior  mental  power,  and  had  been  her 
husband's  sympathetic  collaborator  in  his  last  works.  The 
only  complete  happiness  of  his  life,  says  Sarcey,  was  to 
have  a  wife  who  understood  him,  admired  him  and  loved 
him  with  all  her  soul.103 
fev.,  1898. 

Ferdinand  Fabre  was  genial  and  kind,104  though  pre- 
serving to  the  end  of  his  life  the  ecclesiastical  stamp  of  the 
seminary.  His  personality  had  something  akin  to  the 
ruggedness  of  his  native  mountains,  for  he  possessed  a 


101.  Le  Temps,  Feb.  15,  1808. 

102.  M.  Duviard.    Madame  Fabre  is  still  living  (1916). 

103.  Sarcey,  F.,  op.  rit.  Cf.  Claretie,  J.,  Le  Temps,  le  17. 

104.  M.  Marais. 


The  Life  and  Literary  Career  of  Ferdinand  Fabre  47 

virility  and  firmness  that  never  seemed  to  yield.105  He 
was  well  informed  on  all  questions  of  political,  social  or 
economic  moment.106  An  entertaining  and  brilliant  con- 
versationalist,107 he  won  many  friends.  Though  a  nat- 
urally retiring  disposition  kept  him  from  joining  the 
literary  circles  of  Paris,  he  knew  personally  most  con- 
temporary authors  of  first  importance.  Among  his 
literary  correspondents108  were  Edmond  About,  Th.  de 
Banville,  Barbey  d'Aurevilly,  Jean  Bertheroy,  Cherbuliez, 
Jules  Claretie,  G.  Clemenceau,  Alphonse  Daudet,  Alex- 
andre  Dumas,  fils,  Octave  Feuillet,  Ludovic  Halevy,  J. 
M.  de  Heredia,  Jules  Lemaitre,  Hector  Malot,  Frederic 
Mistral,  Emile  Ollivier,  Pailleron,  Jean  Richepin,  Sainte- 
Beuve,  F.  Sarcey,  Victorien  Sardou,  Turgenev,  Taine  and 
Zola.  Though  his  readers  were  many,  and  his  novels 
received  the  highest  prices  from  editors  and  publishers,109 
yet,  because  of  the  nature  of  his  subjects,110  Fabre  never 
attracted  any  considerable  attention  from  the  general 
public.  Therefore,  in  proportion  to  his  merit,  little  honor 
has  been  paid  to  this  author  of  at  least  three  masterpieces 
of  the  realistic  novel,  Les  Courbezon,  Mon  Oncle  Celestin, 
L 'Abbe  Tigrane. 


105.  Brisson,  op.  cit.,  p.  660. 

106.  Pascal,  op.  cit.,  p.  660. 

107.  M.  Marais. 

108.  M.  Duviard. 

109.  Pascal,  op.  cit.,  p.  662. 

no.  Alphonse  Daudet  once  said  to  Fabre,  "En  vous  speciali- 
sant  ainsi,  mon  cher  ami,  vous  n'  aurez  jamais  pour  vous  ce 
public  qui  fait  le  grand  succes — les  femmes."  (Jules  Claretie, 
La  Vie  a  Paris,  1809,  p.  30.) 


CHAPTER  I 

CLASSIFICATION  OF  THE  NOVELS 

FABRE'S  literary  career  may  be  considered  in  three 
periods.  The  first,  extending  from  1862  to  i8fc>8,  in- 
cludes Les  Courbezon  (1862),  Julien  Savignac  (1863), 
Mademoiselle  de  Malaveille  (1865),  Le  Chevrier, 
(1868).  With  the  exception  of  the  third,  they  all  belong 
among  his  most  important  works,  and  represent  each  of 
the  three  types  into  which  his  works  may  be  divided; 
namely,  the  autobiographical,  the  ecclesiastical,1  and 
those  that  deal  primarily  with  peasant  life  and  manners. 
The  period  is  marked  with  a  certain  degree  of  experimen- 
talism,  physio-psychological  analysis,2  which  almost 
wholly  disappears  in  his  later  novels  with  the  exception  of 
LAbbe  Tigrane  and  Taillevent. 

The  second  period,  from  1873  to  1884,  contains  UAbbe 
Tigrane  (1873),  Le  Marquis  de  Pierrerue  (1874),  better 
known  by  the  title  of  Un  Illumine3  (1890),  Barnabe 
(1874),  La  Petite  M&re  (1877),  more  familiar  under 
the  name  of  Madame  Fuster  (1887),  Le  Roman  d'un 
Peintre  (1878),  Mon  Oncle  Celestin  (1881),  Lucifer 


1.  I   use   the   word    ecclesiastical    rather   than   clerical,    for 
as  a  broader  term,  it  includes  the  government,  organization 
and  activities  of  the  Church,  and  also  her  position  in  regard  to 
modern  thought.     The  strictly  clerical  novels  are  Tigrane  and 
Lucifer. 

2.  See    Pascal,    F.,    Ferdinand   Fabre,   Revue    Bleue    XIX 
(1903). 

3.  In  discussing  these  works  I  shall  hereafter  refer  to  the 
better  known  titles 

48 


Classification  of  the  Novels  49 

(1884),  Le  Roi  Ramire  (1884).  Excepting  Barnabe 
and  Mon  Oncle  Celestin  the  novels  of  this  period 
are  clearly  anti-clerical,  suggesting  at  least,  the  in- 
fluence of  Lamennais,  Michelet,  and  Taine.  They  oppose 
the  Regular  clergy  as  hostile  to  the  best  interests  of  France. 
It  is  a  fair  inference  also  that  Fabre,  during  the  years 
following  the  war  of  1870,  shared  the  opinions  of  his  two 
most  intimate  friends,  Jean-Paul  Laurens  and  Antonin 
Mule,4  who  were  both  ardent  republicans,  bitter  toward 
the  Church  because  of  her  disloyalty  to  France  when  she 
was  invaded  by  the  enemy.5  While  Fabre  was  writing 
LfAbbe  Tigrane  and  Le  Marquis  de  Pierrerue,  Laurens 
was  at  work  on  his  famous  paintings,  Le  Pape  Formose  et 
Etienne  VII  (1872),  and  L'Interdit  (1875),  by  which 
he  sought  to  portray  the  vicious  scheming  of  the  Church 
for  selfish  ends  to  suppress  ruthlessly  all  opponents.6 
After  1884  Fabre  abandoned  the  strictly  clerical  novel 
to  return  to  the  happier  field  of  his  youth  and  life  among 
the  peasants. 

The  novels  of  the  third  period,  from  1886  to  1894, 
again  have  their  scenes  laid  in  the  Cevenol  mountains. 
They  are  Monsieur  Jean  (1886),  Toussaint  Galabru 
(1887),  Norine  and  Cathinelle  (1882),  UAbbe  Roitelet 
(1890),  Xaviere  (1899),  Sylviane  (1891),  Germy 
(1891),  Mon  Ami  Gaffarot  (1894),  Taillevent  (1894). 
These  stories  contain  many  superior  descriptions,  and  re- 
count several  idyllic  incidents  with  all  the  sympathy  and 


4.  Laywer  and  litterateur,  son   of   Bernard  Mule,   famous 
leader  of  the  Republicans  of  Toulouse. 

5.  Le  Roman  d'un  Peintre,  p.  294. 

6.  Le  Roman  d'un  Peintre,  p.  308.     Fabre  speaks  of  Lau- 
rens as  a  member  of  "notre  ecole."    Ibid.,  p.  312. 


5O  The  Novels  of  Ferdinand  Fabre 

tenderness  that  characterize  Mon  Oncle  Celestin,  but  as 
a  whole  they  are  dull  and  show  little  variety.  Norine 
and  L'Abbe  Roitelet  alone  equal  the  excellence  of  the 
previous  stories  of  the  same  type.  They  all,  in  one  way 
or  another,  treat  the  religion  of  these  simple-minded 
priests,  a  sort  of  self-deluding  asceticism,  with  a  dry  humor 
that  is  often  more  derisive  than  kindly. 

Any  further  classification  cannot  be  wholly  satisfactory 
since  all  the  novels,  with  the  two  exceptions  of  Madame 
Fuster  and  Un  Illumine,  whose  scenes  are  laid  in  Paris, 
have  to  do  with  both  peasant  and  priest.  For  the  purpose 
of  comparison,  however,  I  have  divided  them  into  three 
groups  on  the  basis  of  primal  interests.  Les  Courbezon, 
as  the  author's  first  novel,  is  of  peculiar  significance  in  its 
relations  to  both  the  ecclesiastical  and  peasant  novels,  and 
so  deserves  to  stand  alone  unclassified.  Mademoiselle  de 
Malaveille,  not  autobiographical,  nor  yet  dealing  to  any 
extent  with  either  peasant  or  priest,  is  unique.  More 
largely  than  any  other  of  the  novels  it  is  a  product  of  the 
imagination.  Like  Le  Roi  Ramire,  it  has  to  do  with  the 
Spanish  emigres  in  Southern  France.  Notwithstanding 
the  highly  romantic  conception  wherein  a  Spanish  hidalgo, 
disguised  as  a  sheepshearer,  becomes  enamoured  of  a  lady 
of  noble  birth  in  Languedoc,  the  book  fails  as  an  interest- 
ing love  story.7 


7.  Note.  The  author  in  not  rendering  in  fuller  detail  the 
conjugal  incompatibility  of  the  aristocratic  Armande  de  Mala- 
veille and  her  peasant  husband,  Cyprien  Cabrol,  misses,  as  in 
Taillevent,  a  good  opportunity  of  developing  a  phychological 
novel  after  the  manner  of  Balzac  or  Flaubert.  Even  so,  this 
realistic  treatment  of  the  minor  characters  excels  the  ro- 
mantic presentation  of  the  two  lovers,  Cyprienne  and  Jose. 


Classification  of  the  Novels  51 

The  other  novels  readily  fall  into  one  of  three  classes. 
Of  the  autobiographical  Julien  Savignac  is  the  first.  It 
describes  the  beginning  of  his  life  at  Camplong  in  the 
home  of  his  uncle  Abbe  Fulcran.  The  others  are  Barnabe, 
Man  Oncle  Celestin,  Monsieur  Jean,  Xamere,  Norine, 
Cathinelle,  Germy,  Sylviane.  In  Mon  Ami  Gaffarot,  Fabre 
substitutes  for  his  uncle,  his  aunt  Angele.  L'Abbe  Roite- 
let  and  Toussaint  Galabru  are  presented  from  a  new  point, 
that  of  the  Paris  writer,  as  in  Le  Chevrier,  returned  to 
visit  the  scenes  and  friends  of  his  boyhood. 

There  are  but  two  novels  that  bear  primarily  upon  peas- 
ant life  and  conditions :  Le  Chevrier  and  Taillevent.  The 
significance  of  certain  statements,  rather  than  the  nature 
of  the  stories,  classifies  Le  Roman  d'un  Peintre  and  Le 
Roi  Ramire  among  the  ecclesiastical  novels.  The  latter 
skillfully  portrays  the  unreasoning  attitude  of  mind  that 
blindly  devotes  itself  alike  to  King  and  Church  as  repre- 
senting one  cause.  The  remaining  books  of  this  same 
group  are  UAbbe  Tigrane,  Luctfer,  Un  Illumine  and 
Madame  Fuster. 


CHAPTER  II 
LES  COURBEZON 

AS  Thomas  Hardy  in  his  first  novel,  "Desperate 
Remedies"  discovered  his  genius  in  portraying  the 
Wessex  peasant,  so  Ferdinand  Fabre  in  his  first  novel, 
Les  Courbezon,  discovered  his  in  portraying  the  peasant  of 
the  Cevenol  region  of  lower  Languedoc.  Besides  the 
peasant  he  also  found  here  the  second  expression  of  his 
genius  in  his  description  of  the  country  priest.  Although  the 
type  of  priest  by  which  he  gained  his  reputation  as  a  cleri- 
cal novelist  is  very  different  from  the  simple-minded, 
kind-hearted  Abbe  Courbezon,  this  latter  is  the  more 
persistent  in  his  later  novels.  Pancol,  too,  displays  those 
characteristics  that  are  nearly  always  present  in  his  rustic 
lovers.  Like  Hardy  again,  Fabre  believes  that  animalism 
makes  the  nobler  man.  The  other  characters  that  fre- 
quently occur  elsewhere,  though  under  different  names, 
are  Cecile,1  the  lovely,  motherless  young  girl,  her  'aunt, 
La  Panole,2  the  vicious  termagant;  and  the  usurer  Ver- 
noubrel.3  With  the  exceptions  of  "Monsieur  le  neveu," 
and  Prudence,  the  housekeeper,  we  are,  from  the  begin- 
ning of  his  literary  career,  introduced  to  those  individuals 


1.  Felice,    (Le   Chevrier),   Meniquette,    (Julien    Savignac), 
Marie,    (Man    Oncle   Celestin),    Xaviere — father    is    dead, — 
(Xaviere),  Norine   (Norine). 

2.  See  p.  58. 

3.  Malgrison,   (Le  Chevrier). 

52 


Les  Courbezon  53 

most  natural  to  Fabre's  literary  art,  those  that  are  most 
constantly  with  us. 

The  plot  of  Les  Courbezon,  though  simple,  is  complex 
compared  with  any  other  of  the  author's  novels.  The 
book  is  both  a  roman-champetre  and  a  clerical  novel.  The 
two  themes  are  brought  together  by  what  appears  to  be 
a  very  original  device.  The  presence  of  Abbe  Courbezon 
in  the  parish  of  Saint-Xist  was  the  result  of  a  clever  move 
on  the  part  of  one  of  the  lovers  of  the  pious  Cecile  to 
outwit  his  rival.  As  she  was  greatly  devoted  to  attend- 
ance at  mass,  it  appeared  logical  that  the  most  direct  ap- 
peal to  her  heart  would  be  through  her  religious  emotions. 
So  the  crafty  Fumat  used  his  influence  to  locate  in  her 
village  the  prospective  new  parish  church.  But,  as  later 
events  proved,  the  power  of  the  Church  on  religious  souls 
is  far  stronger  than  the  passion  of  love.  Thus  Fumat 
lost  his  suit  through  the  very  means  whereby  he  felt  con- 
fident of  winning  it.  The  priest  is  merely  the  primal 
cause  of  the  circumstances  that  produce  the  action  of  the 
plot.  About  him  revolve  the  actors,  whose  passions  and 
ambitions  make  the  story.  The  author  not  only  presents 
an  experimental  study  of  the  peasant,  but  he  also  intro- 
duces those  problems  of  Catholic  discipline  and  organi- 
zation which  he  treats  more  at  length  in  L'Abbe  Tigrane 
and  Lucifer. 

What  there  is  of  plot  is  revealed  first  in  the  conflict  of 
the  two  men  for  the  hand  of  Cecile;  the  unscrupulous 
scheming  on  the  part  of  Fumat  to  ruin  Justin  financially, 
and  the  latter's  more  natural  and  more  direct  way  of  dis- 
posing of  his  enemy — by  murdering  him.  Justin  finds, 
however,  that  the  strife  is  more  intense  and  hopeless 


54  The  Novels  of  Ferdinand  Fabre 

against  his  second  adversary,  the  power  of  religion  upon 
the  devout  mind  of  Cecile  to  draw  her  to  the  life  of  a  nun. 
Finally  persuaded  that  the  innocent  abbe  is  to  blame  for 
Cecile's  persistent  refusal  to  marry  him,  at  the  instigation 
of  his  mother  he  tries  to  kill  the  priest.  In  the  struggle 
that  ensued  on  the  high  bank  above  the  pond,  Justin  is 
thrown  backwards  into  the  water  and  is  drowned.  By 
unnatural  interference  with  the  love  passion  that  is  in- 
herent in  all  people,  the  Church  in  the  name  of  religion, 
is  the  cause  of  Justin's  unhappiness  and  untimely  death. 

In  the  portrayal  of  chief  characters  Fabre  follows 
rather  consistently  the  somewhat  romantic  method  of 
contrast,  and  arrangement  in  pairs.  Antoine  Fumat  and 
Justin  Pancol  as  rivals  in  love  are  so  paralleled.  The 
former  was  a  widower  about  forty  years  old,  temperate 
and  quiet  in  conduct,  but  miserly  and  selfish,  whose  mo- 
tives in  paying  court  to  Cecile  were  purely  mercenary. 
Pancol,  in  the  full  vigor  of  his  young  manhood,  was  a  wild 
and  worthless  sort  of  fellow,  but  generous  and  big-hearted 
and  filled  with  a  true  love  for  the  girl. 

Fabre,  after  the  manner  of  an  experimental  novelist,4 
explains  the  disposition  of  Antoine  on  a  physio-pyschologi- 
cal  basis.5  He  is  small,  pale  and  thin,  but  cunning  and 


4.  Cf.  Pascal,  op.  cit.,  p.  658.    Also  cf.  Mile,  de  Malaveille, 
pp.  52,  154,  and  Taillevent,  p.  72. 

5.  See  Les  Courbeson,  p.  146.     "Certains  physiologists  pre- 
tendent    que   la    perfection    absolue    de    1'ame,    qui    constitue 
1'homme  de  genie  ou  celle  du  corps,  qui  fait  les  Antinoiis,  cree, 
parmi  nous,  les  seuls  etres  absolument  bons.    Chez  les  autres, 
1'inclination  au  mal  serait  en  raison  directe  de  leur  imperfec- 
tion  morale  ou  physique.     Cette  opinion   des   physiologistes, 
que  nous  ne  voudrions  certes  pas  accepter  sans  restriction, 
trouve  par  hasard  son  entiere  justification  dans  le  caractere  de 
Fumat." 


Les  Courbezon  55 

cruel,  like  all  weak  men,  he  says,  suffering  from  physical 
illness.  It  is  rare  that  an  individual  whose  soul  or  body 
has  been  arrested  in  its  development,  does  not  avenge 
himself  on  another  for  the  cruelty  of  nature.  His  incli- 
nation to  evil  is  in  direct  ratio  to  his  moral  or  physical 
imperfections.  The  character,  then  of  Fumat  was  in  per- 
fect harmony  with  his  rickety  and  sickly  bodily  condition. 
His  greed  for  gain,  the  common  vice  of  the  peasant,  seem- 
ed born  of  his  weakness.  Whatever  affection  he  was  cap- 
able of,  he  had  given  it  all  to  his  chestnut  trees  and  to  his 
vineyards.  Here,  as  elsewhere  in  his  character  descrip- 
tions, Fabre  confines  himself  largely  to  portraying  moral 
and  mental  states,  with  little  reference  to  external  ap- 
pearance. Fumat's  desire  to  win  Cecile  arose  from  no 
natural  instinct,  but  from  a  distortion  of  moral  principle, 
in  that,  for  natural  love  he  substituted  the  lower  motive 
of  personal  greed.  Neither  was  his  hatred  for  Justin 
Pancol  the  result  of  normal  jealousy  of  a  lover  towards 
his  rival,  but  was  rather  the  consequence  of  material  cupid- 
ity. In  the  accomplishment  of  his  revenge  he  pursued 
means  entirely  fitting  to  his  purpose.  Instead  of  the 
method  of  direct  revenge  adopted  by  Justin,  who,  having 
seized  his  enemy,  dashed  out  his  brains  and  threw  his  body 
into  a  pond,  Fumat  attained  his  end  by  the  more  round- 
about process  of  financial  ruin.  Thus  while  Pancol's 
ambition  was  spontaneous,  springing  from  a  motive  nat- 
ural and  inherent  in  character,  Fumat's  was  external, 
worldly,  and  concerned  with  matters  that  lay  wholly  out- 
side the  natural  man.  It  is  very  apparent  that  Justin 
has  the  author's  complete  sympathy,  for  the  efforts  cf  the 
police  to  discover  Fumat's  assassin  were  very  flimsy  and 


56  The  Novels  of  Ferdinand  Fabre 

completely  futile.  We  feel,  as  in  the  case  of  Fredery  in 
Le  Chevrier,  that  a  character  so  worthless  deserves  to  be 
killed.  He  was  cunning  and  crafty,  and  his  opponent 
violent  and  brutal.  "Pauvre  Justin!  Pauvre  Justin! 
cent  fois  plus  violent,  plus  brutal,  plus  coupable 
qu'  Antoine  Fumat,  et  pourtant  cent  fois  plus  tendre,  cent 
fois  plus  homme."6  Here  Fabre  states  definitely  his  esti- 
mate of  the  natural  man,  whose  passions  have  not  been 
perverted  by  worldly  ambitions. 

It  must  be  noted  also  that  Justin's  crime  affected  him 
but  little.  The  hopelessness  of  his  suit  for  Cecile,  how- 
ever, altered  completely^  his  appearance.  He  became  pale, 
thin  and  timid,  gone  was  the  muscular  strength  which 
had  so  easily  dealt  the  death  blow  to  his  enemy.  The  soul, 
so  intimately  linked  to  the  body,  does  not  suffer  without 
reacting  upon  it.  Justin's  physical  change  was  the  direct 
consequence  of  his  despair.7  Thus  instead  of  merely  as- 
suming that  the  weakened  body  is  but  an  outward  ex- 
pression of  the  soul's  distress,  Fabre  attempts  to  explain 
it  as  resulting  from  failure  to  satisfy  the  demands  of  the 
emotional  nature,  which  are  also  physical  needs.  When 
an  opportunity  presented  itself  to  do  an  errand  for  Cecile, 
Justin's  heart  was  revived,  and  thereafter  he  began  to 
regain  bodily  vigor.  Renewed  prospects  of  enjoying  her 
favor  were  sufficient  to  rehabilitate  the  former  moral  and 


6.  Les  Courbeson,  p.  343. 

7.  Les  Courbezon,  pp.  340-3.     "Cependant,  comment  expli- 
quer  cet  incroyable  affaissement  physique?     II  etait  la  conse- 
quence de  1'aneantissement  de  ses  esperances.     Le  corps  ne 
tarda  pas  a  recevoir  le  contre-coup  des  emotions  de  Tame. 
Les  joues  de  Pancol,  animees  d'un  rouge  yif,   palirent,   puis 
se  creuserent;  enfin  toute  la  machine,  atteinte  dans  son  res- 
sort  principal,  s'affaissa." 


Les  Courbezon  57 

physical  man.  Once  more  disappointed  and  his  hopes 
blighted,  a  blind  rage,  an  inner  fever,  drives  him  to  rush 
from  one  place  to  another,  gesticulating  wildly  and  mut- 
tering curses,  and  threatening  to  kill  Cecile,  if  she  further 
resists  him.8  In  a  frenzy  he  makes  his  way  to  the  site  of 
the  murder  of  Fumat,  and  there  experiences  a  sudden  rev- 
olution of  emotion.  His  fury  is  spent,  he  falls  wearily  to 
the  ground,  crying  out,  "Cecile,  Cecile,  voila  pourtant  ce 
que  j'ai  fait  pour  toi."  He  spent  the  night  there  in 
utter  exhaustion.  At  dawn  he  returned  home  to  indulge 
in  a  regular  drunken  debauch.9  His  moral  strength  be- 
came more  and  more  broken,  and  excited  to  desperation 
by  the  nagging  of  his  mother,  he  finally  attempted  to  kill 
Abbe  Courbezon.  The  unexpected  outcome  was  the 
drowning  of  Justin  himself.  The  tragic  ending  is  char- 
acteristic of  Fabre,10  suggesting  a  pessimistic  fatalism  that 
runs  through  pratically  all  his  important  works.11 

Cecile  possesses  both  religious  temperament  and  the 
love  instinct,  one  neutralizing  the  other.  She  can  never 
decide  definitely  to  enter  the  convent,  nor  bring  herself 
to  the  point  of  accepting  Justin  whom  she  learns  to  love. 
Up  to  a  certain  time  her  soul  had  been  dominated  solely 
by  religious  emotions  and  impulses  to  give  lavishly  of  her 
wealth  to  charity.  'Finally,  however,  her  heart  had  to 
submit  to  the  common  law,  and  she  was  drawn  by  the 


8.  Cf.  Eran,  p.  83. 

9.  Les  Courbezon,  pp.  401-3.    Cf.  Eran,  p.  84. 

10.  Cf.  Julien  Savignac,  Le  Ckevrier,  Un  Illumine,  Madame 
Fuster,  Barnabe,  Man  Oncle  Celestin,  Lucifer,  Xaviere,  Tail- 
levent. 

11.  Exceptions,  Mile,  de  Malaveille,  L'Abbe  Roitelet,  Mon 
Ami  Gaffarot,  Monsieur  Jean,  Sylviane,  Germy,  Le  Roman 
d'un  Peintre.  \ 


58  The  Novels  of  Ferdinand  Fabre 

desire  to  be  a  wife  and  mother.  She  would  have  yielded 
to  the  promptings  of  her  heart  but  for  the  influence  of 
her  early  piety  which  still  inclined  her  to  the  life  of  a  nun. 
Her  refusal  to  marry  Pancol  caused  his  crime  and  untimely 
death.  In  the  end,  however,  the  mother  instinct  proves 
more  powerful  than  her  religious  nature,  and  she  seeks 
happiness  in  the  care  of  the  children  left  to  her  charge. 
It  is  the  same  theme  that  the  author  takes  up  again  in 
Madame  Fuster,  although  the  fate  of  the  nobly  born 
Madeleine  is  far  more  tragic.12 

With  La  Pancole  Fabre  introduces  a  character  that  ap- 
pears in  several  other  novels.13  She  is  ugly,  cruel,  vicious, 
and  dominated  by  the  one  passion  of  greed.  Her  affection 
for  her  only  son,  Justin,  is  subservient  to  her  desire  to  gain 
control  of  Cecile's  property.  As  in  Xaviere1*  and  Tail- 
levent,15  this  land  hunger  becomes  so  violent  that  it  results 
in  crime.  The  indictments  against  the  avaricious  pea- 
santry are  no  more  direct  in  Les  Paysans™  and  in  La 
Terre  than  in  these  novels.  Fabre  explains  this  abnormal 
craving  and  the  utter  disregard  of  human  life  that  ac- 
companies it  as  resulting  from  a  coarse  nature'  and  an  un- 
developed intelligence.  Civilization  has  given  to  the  man 
of  the  city  a  more  delicate  and  refined  sense  of  which  the 
peasant  has  been  deprived.  There  is  no  mean  to  his  pas- 


12.  See  p.  119. 

13.  Cf.  La  Combale  in  Barnabe,  La  Galtiere  in  Mon  Oncle 
Celestin,  Benoite  Ouradon  in  Xaviere. 

14.  Xaviere,  pp.  185,  275. 

15.  Taillevent,  p.  226. 

16.  Mile,  de  Malaveille  plainly  corroborates  Balzac's  belief 
in  the  conspiracy    of    the    peasants    against    the    rich     (Les 
Paysans,  introductory  letter). 


Les  Courbezon  59 

sions;  when  he  strikes,  he  strikes  to  kill.17 

In  his  description  of  the  money  lender,  Verncubrel, 
Fabre  resembles  Balzac,  not  only  in  the  portrayal  of  the 
person,  but  also  in  the  detailed  account  of  his  lodgings.18 
Fabre  does  not  enter  so  completely  into  precise  sums,  but 
his  financial  transactions  have  the  same  pitiless  exaction 
as  Balzac's,  and  his  miser's  methods  are  fully  as  unscrup- 
ulous, and  as  ruinous  to  the  peasants.19 

Abbe  Courbezon  and  Mgr.  Bienvenu  both  made  their 
appearance  in  i862.20  They  represent  the  same  type  of 
kind-hearted  country  priest  dominated  by  the  spirit  of 
Christian  charity.  Hugo  has  painted  an  almost  complete- 
ly romantic  ideal,  while  Fabre  has  created  a  French  Vicar 
of  Wakefield,21  whose  passion  for  erecting  charitable 
institutions  involved  him  in  even  more  overwhelming  dis- 
asters than  those  that  befell  good  Dr.  Primrose.  Abbe 
Courbezon  was  the  victim  of  an  altruistic  ambition,  which 
in  its  power  was  not  less  absolute  than  the  thoroughly 
selfish  ambition  of  Abbe  Tigrane. 

Abbe  Courbezon  had  no  idea  of  the  significance  of  the 
Church  as  a  political  organization.  His  seminary  ed- 
ucation accorded  with  his  mental  capacities.  He  learned 
from  his  professors  what  they  intended  he  should  and  no 
more.  He  read  only  those  books  that  a  priest  should  know 


17.  Les  Courbezon,  p.  145.     Cf.  Renan,  op.  cit.,  Le  broyeur 
de  lin,  III. 

18.  Les   Courbezon,  pp.    149-150.     Cf.   M.   Grandet,   in  Eu- 
genie Grandet. 

19.  Cf.  Malgrison,  in  Le  Chevrier. 

20.  Feuillet's  Histoire  de  Sibylle  also  appeared  in  1862. 

21.  Cf.   Sainte-Beuve,  N.  Lundis,  IX,  p.  450.     Also  Pater, 
W.,  Ferdinand  Fabre,  An  Idyll    of  the    Cevennes.     (Essays 
from  the  Guardian,  p.  123). 


60  The  Novels  of  Ferdinand  Fabre 

and  wisely  stopped  there.22  He  was  not  interested  in 
Spanish  mysticism,  but  believed  naively  in  the  miracles 
as  the  Church  taught  them.  With  all  his  simplicity  of 
mind,  he  possessed  the  beautiful  soul  of  a  saint  Vincent 
de  Paul.  As  he  surpassed  his  colleagues  in  spirituality, 
so  his  most  intimate  friend,  Abbe  Ferrand,  outweighed 
them  intellectually.  These  two  men  summed  up  the 
spirit  of  the  Church.  To  Courbezon  the  Church  should 
be  devoted  to  the  happiness  of  men,  where  as  to  Ferrand, 
her  chief  duty  was  to  carry  the  torch  of  faith  above  the 
heads  of  all.  His  logic  led  him  to  justify  the  Church 
hierarchy  and  the  principle  of  obedience. 

The  last  part  of  the  book  unfortunately  involves  much 
theological  discussion.  M.  Geraudon-Gineste23  asserts 
that  in  Abbe  Ferrand,  Fabre  expresses  his  own  views  in 
regard  to  the  struggle  between  science  and  faith.  This 
could  hardly  be,  for  Fabre  championed  the  freedom  of  the 
human  conscience24  as  a  necessary  corollary  of  the  full 
expression  of  personal  liberty  and  dignity.  Les  Cour- 
bezon as  well  as  his  later  clerical  novels,  protests  against 
the  condition  of  servility  of  the  lesser  clergy.23  Pancol, 
a  creature  of  instinct,  is  clearly  to  the  author's  mind  a 
higher  expression  of  the  normal  man  than  the  clergy  who 
bear  the  stamp  of  their  degrading  servitude.  In  Abbe 


22.  Les  Courbezon,  p.  28.     Cf.  Estaunie,  M.,  L'Empreinte ; 
Pellissier,   G.,  Etudes  contemporaines,  serie  II,  p.   183,  also 
Julien  Savignac,  pp.  119-120,  for  effect  of  seminary  education 
on  mind  of  young  clericals.    Cf.  Renan,  op.  cit.,  Le  broyeur  de 
lin,  III,  for  an  account  of  the  books  permitted  to  the  seminar- 
ists. 

23.  Nouvelle  Revue,  CXII  (1898). 

24.  Ma  Jeunesse,  p.  264. 

25.  Les  Courbezon,  p.  82 


Les  Courbezon  6l 

Courbezon,  however,  all  sense  of  servility  is  lost  sight  of  in 
the  beauty  of  his  passion  for  unselfish  giving. 

Les  Courbezon  in  its  intensity  of  character  description 
is  more  largely  a  novel  of  peasant  life  and  manners  than 
one  of  clerical  life,  although  in  the  discussion  of  the 
Church  and  clergy  Fabre  introduces  several  of  the  types, 
and  deals  with  many  of  the  conditions,  which  he  treats  at 
greater  length  in  his  two  strictly  clerical  novels,  L 'Abbe 
Tigrane  and  Lucifer. 


CHAPTER  III 

THE  AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL  NOVELS 
I 

IN  Julien  Savignac  Fabre  introduces  us  to  his  life  at 
the  presbytery  of  Camplong  under  the  care  of  his 
uncle  and  his  housekeeper.  Although  doubtless  the  first 
part  of  the  story  recounts  to  some  extent  Fabre 's  own  ex- 
periences at  school  in  Bedarieux,  the  book  is  of  greater 
importance  in  its  relation  to  the  author's  own  ideals  and 
temperament.  He  portrays  himself,  like  his  peasants,  as 
a  child  of  instincts  and  violent  impulses.  To  him  the 
child  of  nature  is  never  essentially  vicious;  only  those 
whose  ambitions  are  purely  selfish  and  material  are  really 
bad.1  A  man  of  vehement  passions  appears  to  be  a  favor- 
ite type.  Its  persistence  throughout  his  novels,  and  the 
vigor  of  the  portrayal  would  seem  to  be  in  some  sort  a 
reflection  of  his  own  personal  experience. 

In  explaining  the  developement  of  Julien's  character, 
Fabre  again  adopts  the  scientific  method.  The  psycholog- 
ical changes  attendant  upon  the  passing  from  adolescence 
to  early  manhood,  intensified  and  harassed  a  disposition 
already  somewhat  violent  in  temper  until  the  boy  became 
a  bully  among  his  school  mates.  This  irritable  condition 
increased  until  confinement  to  school  work  became  im- 


i.  Cf.  Fumat,  and  Pancol,  p.  54. 
62 


The  Autobiographical  Novels  63 

possible.  So  he  and  his  friend,  Adrien,  spent  their  days 
in  trapping  birds.  The  consequent  failure  in  their  studies 
brought  severe  punishment  to  Julien.  The  chapters  de- 
scribing the  garret  scene  and  the  struggle  between  the 
blind  authority  of  the  father  and  the  obstinacy  of  the  son,2 
the  intervention  of  the  mother  and  the  kindly  uncle,3 
the  hours  passed  in  the  public  square  at  night  in  darkness 
peopled  with  robbers  and  filled  with  monsters,4  and  the 
rescue  by  the  mother,  and  the  final  reconciliation  brought 
about  by  the  sympathetic  Abbe  Savignac,5  are  among  the 
very  best  of  those  in  which  Fabre  describes  his  boyhood. 
Only  in  Barnabe  does  he  show  such  a  complete  under- 
standing of  a  boy's  motives  of  conduct.  From  what  we 
know  of  Fabre's  early  life  we  are  led  to  believe  that  in 
these  pages  he  is  describing  his  own  feelings  of  revolt 
against  blind  authority  and  his  struggle  for  personal  free- 
dom. 

Abbe  Savignac  took  Julien  to  live  with  him  at  Camp- 
long,  where  he  found  the  life  of  the  presbytery  much  to 
his  liking,  in  spite  of  a  certain  exacting  regime  established 
by  his  uncle.  His  rebellious  disposition  soon  disappeared. 
Though  this  revolution  in  character  was  largely  the  result 
of  the  wise  discipline  of  the  kindly  priest,  the  influence 
of  the  beautiful  Meniquette  was  not  lacking.  His  first 
love  had  its  beginning  during  the  truant  days  of  Julien  and 
Adrien  when  the  two  presented  Meniquette  with  a  cage 
full  of  birds.  Love  and  jealousy  were  born  at  the  same 


2.  Julien  Savignac,  pp.  44-45,  57-58. 

3.  Ibid.,  pp.  59-60. 

4.  Ibid,,  pp.  63-64. 

5.  Ibid.,  pp.  74-75. 

6.  Cf.  Barnabe,  pp.  41,  42.  74, 


64  The  Novels  of  Ferdinand  Fabre 

time  in  the  heart  of  Julien,  and  both  grew  together  in 
vehemence.  The  struggle  between  these  two  emotions, 
and  the  resulting  cruel  tragedy  constitute  the  chief  interest 
during  the  remainder  of  the  novel. 

Love  reacted  outwardly  upon  Julien  as  it  did  upon 
Pancol.7  When  Meniquette  used  to  sit  sewing  before 
the  window  of  the  room  where  he  was  preparing  his  les- 
sons, Julien  always  did  his  best.  On  other  days,  however, 
he  was  dull,  and  his  exercises  were  full  of  mistakes  and 
covered  with  blots.8  Although  Adrien's  affection  for 
Meniquette  had  always  inspired  jealousy,  it  was  not  until 
he  heard  him  singing  that  Julien  realized  the  extent  of 
his  dislike  for  his  former  friend.  In  fancying  that  Meni- 
quette took  greater  pleasure  in  the  voice  of  this  peasant, 
than  in  his  own  success  in  his  studies,  he  felt  his  former 
maliciousness  return.9  He  no  longer  desired  to  do  his 
work  well,  nor  to  please  his  uncle  and  good  Zabeth,  the 
housekeeper.  On  learning  from  Meniquette  that,  in  spite 
of  her  greater  love  for  Julien,  she  had  resolved  to  marry 
Adrien  in  order  to  fulfil  her  promise,  the  boy's  anger  in- 
cited him  to  such  brutality  that  he  knocked  her  down  upon 
a  heap  of  stones  and  then  ran  away  leaving  her  there. 
He  even  tried  txTkill  his  rival  by  pushing  him  from  the 
foot  bridge  into  the  swollen  Salagou.  Both  fell  into  the 
rushing  torrent.  Adrien  with  the  kindness  and  devotion 


7.  See  p.  56.  _ 

8.  Julien  Savignac,  pp.  117-118. 

9.  Fabre  explains   this   condition    scientifically.     "Les   pas- 
sions,   dans    1'adolescence,    peut-etre   parce    qu'elles    s'exer- 
cent  sans  but  bien  defini,  sans  1'impitoyable  contrepoids  de  la 
raison,  acquierent  chez  certaines  natures  un  caractere  de  vio- 
lence extreme,     (p.  160).     Cf.  Jean  Christophe,  t.  I.  by  Ro- 
main  Holland. 


The  Autobiographical  Novels  65 

of  a  brother,  and  after  a  hard  struggle,  rescued  his  enemy. 
The  illness  that  followed  this  episode  did  not  cool  the 
fire  of  Julien's  hate. 

His  love  had  all  the  impetuousness  of  his  jealousy. 
Scarcely  realizing  his  conduct,  one  day  he  rushed  wildly 
after  Meniquette  and  covered  her  hands  with  kisses. 
She  fled  from  him.  Then  throwing  himself  exhausted 
upon  the  ground,  he  experienced  the  awakening  of  the 
love  instinct.  He  thought  of  woman  as  an  ideal  of  beauty 
and  loveliness.10  Now  for  the  first  time  there  burst  upon 
his  mind  the  idea  of  possessing  Meniquette  for  his  own. 
He  felt,  moreover,  that  this  adoration  of  an  ideal,  and 
its  actual  possession,  would  not  be  the  full  gratification  of 
his  desires.  Fabre  does  not  tell  us  what  was  lacking  to 
make  it  complete.  His  realism  includes  little  sensuality.11 
He  avoids  it  by  paralleling  human  and  animal  instinct.12 

In  spite  of  his  excesses  Julien  has  won  our  sympathies 
by  the  sincerity  of  his  passion.  He  is  the  victim  of 
emotions  which  are  those  of  a  child  of  nature,  his  con- 
duct does  not  arise  from  petty  selfishness.  The  tragic 
ending  is  due  to  his  exhaustion  from  the  conflict  within 
him.  During  the  mass  at  the  marriage  of  Adrien  and 
Meniquette,  the  bride's  veil  catches  fire,  because  Julien 
as  acolyte  is  too  weak  longer  to  grasp  the  candle.  This 
denouement  in  its  intensity  of  tragic  quality  is  character- 
istic of  Fabre's  genius — a  beautiful  bride  burned  to  death 


10.  Julien  Savignac,  pp.  199-202.  Cf.  Taillevent's  love  for 
Riquette  where  the  analysis  is  not  so  definite.  (Taillevent, 
p.  262). 

n.  Cf.,  however,  Toussaint  Galabru. 

12.  Julien  Savignac,  pp.  199-202.  Cf.  Sylviane,  p.  67.  See 
also  p.  82  discussion  of  Le  Chewier. 


66  The  Novels  of  Ferdinand  Fabre 

at  the  marriage  altar  at  the  hands  of  one  who  loves  her 
more  passionately  than  does  her  husband.  Her  death  is 
the  direct  result  of  Julien's  inability  to  conquer  his  master 
passion  of  love. 

In  Julien  Savignac  Fabre  has  given  himself  the  dif- 
ficult task  of  portraying  the  character  of  a  boy  experienc- 
ing the  love  natural  to  a  youth  several  years  his  senior. 
Along  with  his  description  of  this  intense  love — we  must 
take  his  word  for  its  genuineness13 — he  presents  incidents 
that  are  convincing  in  their  appeal  to  our  sense  of  what 
is  probable  in  young  lovers.  Julien  does  not  desire  the 
privilege  of  kissing  Meniquette  without  a  struggle.  When 
she  meekly  submitted  her  cheek  to  his  caresses,  he  is  dis- 
appointed. It  is  as  if  he  were  kissing  his  mother. 
"C'etait  la  rose  des  Alpes  sans  epines,  mais  aussi  sans 
parfum."14  Neither  is  she  contented  with  just  the  love  of 
a  "brother."  If  that  is  all  there  is  to  their  love  making, 
she  would  much  rather  return  to  setting  traps  for  birds. 
Julien,  like  all  boys,  in  his  insane  scheming  for  vengeance 
against  Adrien,  completely  disregards  the  possibility  of 
unpleasant  after  effects.15  Thus  in  the  descriptions  of 
his  own  youthful  experiences  Fabre  appears  to  be  a  more 
accurate  observer  of  life  than  in  his  studies  of  peasant 
lovers  such  as  Pancol  and  Eran. 

As  in  many  of  his  other  novels,16  Fabre  here,  too,  con- 
ceives of  his  leading  characters  in  pairs,  and,  by  means  of 


13.  See  preamble. 

14.  Julien  Savignac,  p.  100. 

15.  Julien  Savignac,  p.  249. 

16.  Les  Courbeson,  Le  Chevrier,  L'Abbe  Tigrane,  Man  On- 
cle  Celestin.     Note  particularly  the  contrast  between  the  two 
hermits,  Barnabe  and  Venceslas.     (Barnabe,  pp.  390-391). 


The  Autobiographical  Novels  67 

contrast,  something  after  the  manner  of  Hugo  though 
avoiding  his  extremes,  throws  into  relief  their  dominant 
qualities.  Julien,  a  member  of  a  bourgeois  family,  was 
nervous  and  timid,  highly  imaginative  and  emotional, 
though  obstinate,  and  under  provocation,  desperate; 
Adrien,  the  son  of  a  peasant,  strong  and  stolid,  lacked 
completely  all  intense  passion.  He  was  actuated  by  senti- 
ment rather  than  passion.  Julien  suspected  that  he  loved 
his  native  village  more  than  he  did  Meniquette.  His 
affection  for  his  former  roommate  was  a  far  finer  expres- 
sion of  his  nature  than  his  love  for  his  fiancee  whose  loy- 
alty he  accepted  as  a  matter  of  course.  Never  once  did  he 
suspect  her  sacrifice  nor  Julien's  hatred.  The  latter's 
capacity  for  love  as  well  as  for  jealousy  surpassed  his 
comprehension. 

L'Abbe  Savignac,  unlike  his  brother  who  was  a  man 
of  affairs,  understood  the  human  heart,  and  thought  all 
men  could  be  reached  through  kindness  and  sympathy.17 
Both  loved  Julien;  the  difference  lay  in  the  outward  ex- 
pression of  their  affection.  Julien,  himself,  marveled  at 
his  uncle's  insight  into  the  various  sides  of  his  nature,  ex- 
cept only  his  admiration  for  the  opposite  sex.13  This 
singular  moral  phenomenon  was  due  to  his  seminary 
training.  For  his  uncle  "aimer"  had  but  one  object, 
"Dieu."™  Indirectly  Meniquette's  death  resulted  from 
this  defect  in  the  priest's  nature.  Had  his  uncle  suspected 
Julien's  suffering,  he  could  not  have  been  cruel  enough  to 


17.  Cf.  Monsieur  Jean,  pp.  242-243. 

18.  Julien  Savignac,  p.  119. 

19.  Cf.  Man  Oncle  Celestin,  p.  186,  "Je  ne  devrais  aimer 
que  Dieu." 


68  The  Novels  of  Ferdinand  Fabre 

ask  him  to  serve  at  the  nuptial  mass. 

Fabre  seldom  draws  his  women  characters  so  forcefully 
as  his  men.  They  act  more  often  as  foils  whereby  the 
men  stand  out  more  distinctly.20  Taken  by  herself  Mad- 
ame Savignac  represents  merely  a  typical  mother;  but 
considered  in  comparison  with  her  husband  she  adds  great- 
ly to  the  definiteness  of  his  portrayal.  Meniquette  is 
much  less  an  ideal,  and  far  more  a  real  person  than  Felice 
in  Le  Chevrier,  yet  alone  she  would  be  of  little  importance. 
Through  her,  however,  the  character  of  Adrien  becomes 
clearly  defined. 

Zabeth,  the  housekeeper,  whether  under  this  name, 
or  Marianne,21  or  Prudence,  invariably  furnishes  a  comic 
element  to  relieve  the  sombre  tone  evident  in  much  that 
Fabre  wrote.  She  is  the  one  female  character  who  exists 
for  her  own  sake,  serving  as  no  foil  to  any  others.  Though 
very  much  of  a  shrew,  she  is  loyal  and  kindhearted  to  a 
fault, — the  faithful  protector  of  the  interests  of  the  simple 
abbe  and  his  nephew. 

Fabre  succeeds  better  in  portraying  personalities  than 
in  describing  external  appearances.  We  know  very  little 
about  what  his  characters  look  like,  but  we  know  quite 
completely  what  they  think  and  how  they  act.  Occasion- 
ally he  attempts  a  description  of  clothes  as  in  the  case  of 
the  peasants  in  Abbe  Savignac's  choir,  or  the  attire  of 
the  wedding  guests.  The  impression,  however,  is  vague 
and  unsatisfactory. 


20.  In  contrast  to  this  compare  La  Galtiere    (Man   Oncle 
Celestin)  and  Madame  Fuster. 

21.  See  Barnabe  and  Mon  Oncle  Ctlestin.  In  the  other  auto- 
biographical novels  she  is  Prudence. 


The  Autobiographical  Novels  69 

The  new  personalities,  then,  that  he  has  created  for  us 
in  the  first  of  his  autobiographical  novels  are  primarily 
the  Abbe  of  Camplong,  his  nephew,  and  the  housekeeper. 
We  shall  meet  these  three  under  different  names  more 
often  than  any  other  of  Fabre's  characters. 


II 


Barnabe  is  essentially  an  introduction  to  M-on  Oncle 
Celestin  presenting  the  setting,  scenery  and  characters. 
Early  in  the  book  the  kindly  curate  and  his  housekeeper, 
Marianne,  disappear  from  the  action.  Thus  for  a  short 
time  Ferdinand22  escapes  their  surveillance  to  mingle  with 
the  people  of  the  canton,  ignorant,  superstitious  peasants, 
almost  wholly  without  religious  devotion.23  He  goes  to 
live  with  the  uncouth  and  disreputable  mountain  hermit, 
Barnabe  Laverune,  a  member  of  the  Free  Brothers  of 
Saint  Francis.24 

Quite  aside  from  its  interest  in  presenting  a  study  of 
the  semi-clerical  hermits  of  the  Cevenol  mountains, 
Barnabe  is  of  special  value  in  interpreting  Ferdinand's 
youth,  the  period  preceding  the  birth  of  those  passions 
described  in  several  of  the  autobiographical  novels.  Here, 
as  in  Mon  Oncle  Celestin,  we  feel  the  wholesome  charm 
of  the  boy  carefully  reared  in  a  religious  home,  before  his 
nature  has  been  affected  by  the  strong  emotions  of  early 
manhood.  With  all  his  innocence  he  is  a  real  boy  devoted 


22.  No  name  is  used  in  Barnabe  or  Celestin  for  Ferdinand. 
He  is   referred  to   as   enfant,  fillot,  petiot,  or   "Monsieur  le 
neveu." 

23.  See  p.  88. 

24.  See  p.  39. 


JO  The  Novels  of  Ferdinand  Fabre 

to  out  of  door  life.  In  his  enthusiasm  for  it,  he  cries, 
"Quelle  vie!  quelle  delicieuse,  quelle  enivrante  vie,  sur 
ces  roches  isolees,  avec  un  ane,  un  ermite,  la  liberte  pour 
compagnons."25  Not  only  does  he  love  the  mountains, 
the  rocks,  the  streams,  the  birds  and  animals  and  the  sun- 
shine, but  he  has  the  feeling  of  a  poet  for  the  phenomena 
of  nature.26 

Barnabe21  in  its  three  parts  epitomizes  the  main  themes 
of  Fabre's  novels  which  deal  with  country  life ;  a  portray- 
al of  his  boyhood,  the  love  idyll,  and  lastly  the  gruesome 
tragedy  when  Barnabe  hangs  himself  in  a  prison  cell. 
This  scene  assumes  added  horror  when  witnessed  by  Ferd- 
inand whose  life  had  been  so  carefully  guarded  from  the 
ugly,  frightful  things  of  the  world. 


Ill 


Mon  Oncle  Celestin  presents  an  idealized  portrait, 
drawn  as  by  a  boy  under  the  spell  of  affectionate  admir- 
ation for  his  uncle.  His  love  struck  so  true  a  note  that 
"Mon  Oncle  Celestin"  is  as  real  a  character  as  the  author 
has  created.  Long  before  the  story  is  ended  the  reader 
knows  intimately  the  desservant  of  Lignieres-sur-Graveson, 
and,  with  "Monsieur  le  neveu"  loves  him  dearly.  We 
understand  his  affection  for  "les  tasses  de  M.  1'Abbe  Com- 
bescure"  with  their  rosebuds  and  profusion  of  falling 
leaves,  the  beauty  and  freshness  of  which  never  fade ;  we 
enjoy  with  him,  the  mutton  soup,  the  egg-plant,  and  above 


25.  Barnabe,  p.  225.    Cf.  Mon  Oncle  Celestin,  p.  164. 

26.  Barnabe,  pp.  275-280. 

27.  Ibid.,  pp.  280-285. 


The  Autobiographical  Novels  71 

all  the  "oreillettes  sucrees;"  we  share  his  feelings  toward 
his  superiors  in  the  hierarchy,  once  his  fellow  students  at 
the  seminary. 

Though  this  same  kindly  priest  appears  in  nearly  one 
half  of  Fabre's  novels,  in  none  of  the  others  is  he  so  care- 
fully and  intimately  portrayed,  and  in  no  other  is  he  so 
completely  the  central  figure.  Here  his  kindliness,  and 
moral  strength  assume  greater  power.  He  is  strictly  a 
masculine  type,  for  his  moral  and  spiritual  eminence  is  of 
the  kind  that  denotes  virility  and  fearlessness.  Unlike 
Abbe  Courbezon  he  is  the  victim  of  no  charitable  or  pious 
illusions.  His  is  the  normal  life  of  a  man  who  has  estab- 
lished the  highest  standards  of  rectitude  and  righteousness 
for  himself,  who,  however,  is  tolerant  and  sympathetic 
toward  others.  His  spirituality  reveals  more  clearly  his 
human  qualities.  However  guilty  in  other  respects, 
Fabre's  priests  are  invariably  chaste,  and  so  no  attack 
against  this  virtuous  man,  the  most  exalted  of  all  the 
author's  characters,  could  come  with  more  tremendous 
force  than  Abbe  Clochard's  persistent  intimation  that 
Celestin  is  the  father  of  Marie's  child.  Already  broken 
in  health  he  could  not  long  survive  such  an  indignity. 
The  vindictive  Clochard,  in  violently  pushing  his  way 
into  the  chamber  of  the  dying  abbe  to  announce  brutally 
his  suspension  from  the  ranks  of  the  clergy,  achieved  his 
revenge.28  Before  he  could  escape  down  the  stairs  in  the 
dark,  "Mon  Oncle  Celestin"  was  dead. 

Poor  innocent  Marie  not  comprehending  the  signifi- 
cance of  her  bodily  weakness,  like  Tess  of  the  D'Urbe- 


28.  Cf.  Abbe  Montrose  in  Les  Courbeson. 


72  The  Novels  of  Ferdinand  Fabre 

villes,  wandered  from  farm  to  farm  seeking  work.  As  soon 
as  her  employers  realized  her  condition  they  sent  her 
away,  few  of  them  manifesting  any  pity  for  her.  At 
length  in  her  distress  she  returned  at  night  to  the  pres- 
bytery thinking  to  arouse  Marianne,  or  some  other  mem- 
ber of  the  household,  but  not  the  good  curate,  who  she 
knew  had  need  of  his  rest.  However,  her  sense  of  shame, 
at  the  moment  of  knocking  at  the  door,  impelled  her  to 
flee  and  hide  in  the  old  ruin  Castelas.  On  the  night  her 
child  was  to  be  born,  her  friends  rescued  her.  They  took 
her  to  the  presbytery  where  she  was  cared  for  by  the  faith- 
ful health  officer,  Anselm  Benoit,  and  Marianne.  Too 
weak,  however,  to  endure  her  suffering  she  died  the  next 
day.  In  the  suffering  and  death  of  Marie  Galtier,  as- 
sociated as  they  are  with  the  infamous  persecutions  of  the 
saintly  Abbe  Celestin,  Fabre  presents  the  most  pathetic 
of  his  tragic  denouements. 

Since  Fabre  here  reveals  his  characters  as  seen  by  a 
boy  they  represent  no  complex  natures.  They  are,  for 
the  most  part,  entirely  good  or  entirely  bad.  Those  under 
the  influence  of  Uncle  Celestin  share  his  integrity.  Only 
Galtier  seems  to  possess  both  good  and  evil  tendencies. 
Though  kind-hearted  he  is  helpless  to  defend  Marie  from 
his  wife's  cruelty,  or  to  resist  his  desire  for  intoxicating 
drink.  La  Galtiere  is  even  more  ferocious  and  despicable 
than  La  Pancole.  The  moral  degenerate,  Pigassou,  her- 
mit of  Saint  Raphael,  is  a  more  general  representative  of 
the  Free  Brothers  of  Saint  Francis  than  the  admirable  and 
loyal  Adon  Laborie.  Santi  Belli,  as  the  smooth-tongued 
Italian  peddler  of  religious  images,  introduces  a  new 
character.  Since  he  is  more  completely  master  of  his  pas- 


The  Autobiographical  Novels  73 

sions,  he  is  more  guilty  than  his  comrade.  He  is  respon- 
sible for  Mane's  tragic  end.  Marianne,  the  housekeeper, 
again  furnishes  the  humorous  touches  that  brighten  the 
sad  tone  of  the  story.  Her  shrewdness  keeps  the  boy  in 
ignorance  of  the  real  facts  in  the  case  of  Marie,  as  of  all 
other  things  undesirable  for  small  boys  to  know.  She, 
too,  is  idealized,  and  no  longer  resembles  the  querulous 
servant  of  the  other  novels. 

The  principal  charm  of  the  book  consists  in  the  child- 
like simplicity  with  which  the  story  is  told.  Only  now 
and  then  does  the  author  abandon  the  role  of  "Monsieur 
le  neveu"  to  discuss  matters  beyond  the  grasp  of  a  youth. 
One  regrets  that  so  manly  a  fellow  is  reduced  to  eaves- 
dropping in  order  to  be  able  to  report  certain  conversations 
essential  to  the  story,  but  not  to  his  own  good.  The 
episode29  on  top  of  the  cathedral  tower  well  illustrates 
the  boy's  artlessness.  "Monsieur  le  neveu"  experienced 
the  keenest  embarrassment  when  Marie  naively  insisted 
upon  showing  him  the  white  scar  just  above  her  ankle. 
She  even  begged  him  to  touch  it.  At  the  very  moment 
when  he  was  unaccountably  yielding  to  the  temptation, 
suddenly  a  terrifying  sound  rent  the  air — even  the  heavens 
were  stirred  at  his  wickedness.  Frightened  he  rushed 
down  the  long  winding  steps,  out  into  the  cloister,  where 
he  found  his  uncle  quietly  reciting  his  prayers  and  Galtier 
ringing  the  Angelus. 

The  method  of  treatment  precludes  a  discussion  of  any 
of  the  ecclesiastical  problems  of  Fabre's  clerical  novels. 


29.  Celestin,  pp.   115-117. 


74  The  Novels  of  Ferdinand  Fabre 

Indirectly,  however,  he  does  attack  the  hierarchy.30  How 
well  Abbe  Celestin  used  to  know  these  superior  officers 
when  they  were  students  together  in  the  seminary!  The 
vicar-general  then  used  to  borrow  his  shaving  glass  every 
week.  It  was  he,  too,  who  had  spilled  ink  upon  one  of 
his  favorite  books,  and  had  never  even  thought  of  replac- 
ing it.  Reflecting  on  these  intimacies  the  unambitious 
abbe  was  somewhat  disturbed  in  his  confidence  in  the 
dignity  and  worthiness  of  the  hierarchy.31 

However,  in  this  novel,  Fabre  concerns  himself  little 
with  questions  of  Church  organization  and  discipline. 
He  is  merely  describing  the  saintly  character  of  "Mon 
Oncle  Celestin,"  and  in  so  doing  has  presented  to  the  lit- 
erary world  a  masterly  portrayal  of  Christian  ideals. 


IV 


The  novels  of  the  last  decade  of  Fabre's  life  are  dis- 
tinctly inferior  to  his  earlier  novels.  In  subject  matter 
he  limits  himself  largely32  to  incidents  in  his  life  as  a  boy, 
imagination  playing  a  large  part  in  his  descriptions.  He 
introduces  few  new  characters  except  Galibert,  and  adopts 
no  new  literary  principles  except  in  Sylviane  and  Mon 
Ami  Gaffarot  where  he  resorts  too  frequently  to  the  de- 


30.  See  Celestin,  p.  37.     The  hierarchy  to  the  simple  priest 
is  an  "iron  chain."     Cf.  same  expression  in  Tigrane,  p.  238. 
Cf.  also  Celestin,  p.  199,  "C'est  surtout  dans  le  clerge  catho- 
lique,    si    rudement    discipline,    qu'on    sait  ce   que   valent   ces 
mots :  Le  maitre  1'a  dit,  magister  dixit." 

31.  Cf.  Xaviere  where  the  clergy  are  related  to  the  poorer 
peasants.     Mgr.  Pannetier  is  first  cousin  to  Michel  Pannetier, 
the  wretched  chestnut  harvester,     (p.  207). 

32.  Taillevent  is  an  exception. 


The  Autobiographical  Novels  75 

vice  of  placing  his  story  in  the  mouth  of  a  garrulous  peas- 
ant. 

His  attitude  toward  the  religion  of  the  simple  folk 
living  in  this  isolated  region  has  apparently  changed. 
Whether  he  imagines  himself  still  a  boy,  or  a  visitor  re- 
turning from  Paris,  he  sets  forth  in  a  very  light  vein  this 
religion  of  the  country.  With  his  uncle,  his  Aunt 
Angele,33  and  the  priests,  it  is  a  sort  of  asceticism;  with 
the  peasants  it  is  still  superstition.  He  displays  very  little 
sympathy  or  respect  for  his  uncle's  efforts  to  convert  the 
faithless  of  his  parish.  With  dry  humour  he  tells  of  the 
conversion  of  Germy  out  in  the  woods.  The  pious  abbe 
left  the  good  God  in  the  ciberium  on  a  nearby  rock  and 
knelt  with  his  nephew  in  the  water-soaked  grass  by  the 
brook.  Wearied  by  his  uncle's  prayers  the  boy  began  to 
amuse  himself  by  ringing  with  all  his  might  the  bell  he 
carried  to  announce  to  the  peasants  that  God  was  passing 
that  way.34Germy  was  converted,  but  poor  Ferdinand 
contracted  a  severe  cold  that  confined  him  to  the  presby- 
tery for  many  weeks.  The  absolution  enforced  upon  the 
dying  Galabru  presented  a  spectacular  ceremony,  but  one 
wanting  in  solemnity  and  reverence,  even  though  God 
had  joined  this  crowd  of  excited  peasants,  and  shared  their 
enthusiasm  for  the  conversion  of  the  sorcerer.35 

The  kindly  Abbe  Fulcran  lacks  his  former  dignity  and 
moral  strength.  In  Xaviere  he  is  even  unjust  in  his  ef- 
forts to  maintain  peace,  and  in  Sylviane  his  ingenuousness 
approximates  stupidity.  The  bibulous  warden,  Vigneron, 


33.  Man  Ami  Gaffarot. 

34.  Germy,  ch.  IV. 

35.  Toussaint  Galabru,  ch.  XV. 


76  The  Novels  of  Ferdinand  Fabre 

undertakes  to  entertain  the  Christmas  guests  of  the  mayor 
of  Camplong  by  relating  two  miracles.  As1  in  Sterne,  the 
main  theme  is  lost  in  many  digressions  and  interruptions, 
until  the  reader  despairs  of  ever  learning  what  the  two 
miracles  were.  The  humour  of  the  tales,  none  too  ob- 
vious to  be  sure,  entirely  escapes  the  credulous  abbe  whose 
remarks,  inspired  by  respect  for  all  religious  topics  of 
whatever  nature,  lends  to  the  book  its  chief  interest. 

A  coarse  animalism36  marks  many  of  these  later  novels, 
especially  Sylviane,  and  Toussaint  Galabru.  In  Monsieur 
Jean  Fabre  reverts  to  a  realistic  description  of  the  early 
sex  instincts,37  this  time  primarily  in  the  crude  peasant 
girl  Merlette.  Here,  too,  Galibert  is  introduced,  who  ap- 
pears again  in  Xaviere.  In  spite  of  his  licentiousness,  he 
is  treated  kindly  by  the  author  because  of  his  generous 
and  kindly  impulses.  He  is  the  real  hero  of  Xaviere,  for 
Abbe  Fulcran  and  Prudence  must  depend  upon  him  to  de- 
fend the  helpless  girl  from  her  mother. 

Norine  and  L'Abbe  Roitelet  are  the  best  of  the  novels 
of  the  author's  later  life.  Norine  especially  must  be  con- 
sidered one  his  masterpieces.38  In  order  to  understand 
completely  the  spirit  of  Ferdinand  Fabre  one  could  easily 
confine  himself  if  he  wished  to  this  brief  story,  where  in 
greater  fulness  even  than  in  his  longer  novels  he  reveals 
his  gentle  and  sympathetic  personality.  A  love  idyll  of  the 
peasantry,  the  story  begins  in  a  little  Cevenol  village  at 


36.  Cf.  Pellissier,  op.  cit.,  p.  237. 

37.  Cf.  Julien  Savignac,  also  Cathinelle. 

38.  Giraudpn-Gineste   says,   "En   vain   chercherait-on   parmi 
les  oeuvres  issues  de  1'effort  litteraire  de  cette  fin  de  siecle, 
des  pages  plus  fraiches,  plus  ravissantes,  plus  exquises."  (Op. 
cit,  p  704) .  Cf .  also  Pater,  op.  cit. 


The  Autobiographical  Novels  77 

the  season  of  ripe  cherries.  Years  later  the  scene  is  trans- 
ferred to  Paris,  where  through  the  medium  of  an  escaped 
goldfinch,  Fabre  meets  again  the  acquaintances  of  his 
youth.  The  bird  flies  into  his  rooms  in  the  Institute. 
Recognizing  it  at  once  as  a  goldfinch  of  the  Cevennes,  he 
captures  it.  This  little  bird  recalls  for  him  the  fascin- 
ation of  his  native  mountains.  Its  song  revives  his  heart 
wearied  by  the  life  of  the  great  city,  and  carries  him  back 
to  the  simplicity  of  his  boyhood.  Its  song,  too,  attracts 
that  attention  of  the  owner,  who  comes  to  claim  her  gold- 
finch. She  proves  to  be  Norine,  and  takes  Fabre  to  see 
her  husband,  once  the  robust  peasant  lad,  Justin,  but 
dying  now  from  a  long  illness.  His  last  days  are  made 
happy  by  the  frequent  visits  of  "Monsieur  le  neveu." 

One  of  the  most  pleasing  and  original  episodes  in  all 
Fabre's  novels  is  the  midnight  mass  celebrated  in  the 
parish  of  Abbe  Roitelet  in  the  presence  of  all  the  peasants 
with  the  cattle.39  Man  and  beast  joined  in  the  swelling 
anthem  in  adoration  of  the  Holy  Child,  which,  however, 
continued  its  peaceful  slumber  undisturbed.  As  it  lay  in 
the  arms  of  Jeanne  Miguel,  impersonating  the  Holy  Vir- 
gin, its  finger  tips  gleamed  in  the  flickering  light  of  torch 
and  candle  like  diamonds  flung  down  from  on  high  into 
the  mother's  lap.  So  faintly  did  the  peasant  mind  con- 
ceive the  spiritual  symbolism  of  the  representation,  that 
Miguel  at  the  impressive  moment  when  the  host  was 
raised  aloft  thought  the  occasion  opportune  for  inviting 
M.  Fabre  to  his  home  to  enjoy  there  the  convivialities  of 
Christmas  day.  To  him  as  to  the  others  of  his  class,  the 


39-  L'Abbe  Roitelet,  chapters  VII- VIII. 


78  The  Novels  of  Ferdinand  Fabre 

scene  was  a  spectacle  and  nothing  more.40  L'Abbe  Roite- 
let  like  Norine  shows  marked  freedom  from  those  elements 
of  unpleasant  realism  that  characterize  the  other  novels. 


While  the  autobiographical  novels  are  inferior  to  the 
others  from  the  point  of  view  of  motivation  and  plot  con- 
ception, they  excel  in  power  of  pictorial  description. 
Perhaps  Fabre's  most  distinguishing  charateristic  is  choice 
of  unusual  incident  around  which  he  builds  his  novels  or 
with  which  he  concludes  them.  The  stories  of  his  life  at 
the  home  of  his  uncle  are  peculiarly  illustrative  of  this 
phase  of  his  genius.  We  recall  the  tragic  death  of  Meni- 
quette  at  the  marriage  altar;  the  scene  at  the  inn  where 
"Monsieur  Jean"  squanders  his  few  francs  on  bits  of 
finery  for  Merlette;  Xaviere's  fall  from  the  cherry  tree; 
the  conversion  of  Germy;  the  midnight  mass  of  Abbe 
Roitelet,  and  also  his  temptation  to  stroke  the  glossy 
feathers  of  the  eagle  that  he  had  confined  in  his  study; 
the  beggars'  New  Year  described  in  Sylviane;  the  im- 
promptu procession  of  priest  and  peasants  up  the  snowy 
mountain  path  to  give  absolution  to  the  dying  Toussaint 
Galabru  who  was  already  too  near  death  to  be  conscious 
of  the  ceremony;  Ferdinand's  experiences  with  the  dis- 
orderly hermit  Barnabe  and  the  latter's  suicide  in  the 
prison;  and  also  the  episode  of  the  escaped  goldfinch.  All 
of  these  are  proper  subject  matter  for  a  short  story. 

Fabre  displays  extraordinary  feeling  for  his  uncle's 
foibles,  and  an  intimate  understanding  of  the  peculiarities 

40.  See  p.  88. 


The  Autobiographical  Novels  79 

of  his  gentle  nature.  Often  incidents,  trite  in  themselves, 
assume  an  exquisite  artistic  effect  when  given  the  natural 
setting  of  Abbe  Fulcran's  simple  desires  and  quaint  point 
of  view.  How  fully  the  author  understands  why  the  dif- 
fident abbe  is  unable  to  write  more  than  the  salutation 
to  his  old  friend,  Mgr.  Pannetier  ;41  and  why  he  used  the 
precious  Saint-Jerome  for  a  vestry  ;42  how  reverently  he 
describes  his  love  for  the  porcelain  cups  of  Abbe  Cour- 
bescure,43  and  explains  the  significance  of  his  old  shaving 
glass44  with  its  past  associations !  He  renders  admirably 
the  impression  made  on  a  boy's  mind  by  the  wonderful 
"lampe  Carcel,"45  his  uncle's  clock,  organ  and  accordeon.46 
The  autobiographical  novels  reveal  more  directly  than 
do  the  others  the  author's  personality,  which  is  best  dis- 
closed in  his  description  of  his  Uncle  Fulcran.  They 
have  as  their  main  purpose,  however,  a  presentation  of  his 
own  life  during  the  period  of  puberty.  The  significance 
of  this  crisis  seems  to  haunt  him.  Although  in  veiled 
terms  he  discusses  it  with  a  persistence  and  frankness  not 
found  in  any  other  modern  author  so  far  as  I  know.47  He 
divides  his  early  life  into  two  periods.  During  the  first 
he  does  not  realize  the  difference  existing  between  man 
and  woman.  Later  he  becomes  a  slave  to  his  passions. 
Usually  he  clings  to  the  old  idea  of  man  being  in  the  pow- 


41.  Xayiere,  p.  135. 

42.  Ibid.,  p.  165. 

43.  Mon  Oncle  Celestin. 

44.  Cf.  Fraycourt,  Paul,  Le  journal  d'un  cure  de  campagne, 
p.  16. 

45.  Xavicre,  p.  135. 

46.  Mon  Oncle  Celestin. 

47.  I  do  not  even  except  Jean  Christophe  by  Remain  Rol- 
land. 


80  The  Novels  of  Ferdinand  Fabre 

er  of  woman.  Marie  Galtier,  however,  is  totally  at  the 
mercy  of  Santi-Belli.  Fabre's  love  of  nature,  also,  is 
clearly  associated  with  this  phenomenon  in  his  life.  In 
these  novels  the  peasants  and  the  clergy  are  purely  inci- 
dental to  the  description  of  his  own  boyhood.  His  best 
presentation  of  these  characters  he  reserves  for  his  other 
two  types  of  novels. 


CHAPTER  IV 
THE  NOVELS  OF  PEASANT  LIFE  AND  MANNERS 

BOTH  Fabre  and  George  Sand  in  their  treatment  of 
peasant  life  gave  themselves  a  task  which  Balzac 
avoided,  for  they  chose  to  tell  their  stories  in  a  vernacular 
that  would  at  least  suggest  that  of  the  region  of  which  they 
wrote.  George  Sand,  in  order  that  she  might  write  in 
a  language  that  would  resemble  the  native  speech  of 
her  beloved  Berry,  and  yet  be  understood  by  all  her  read- 
ers, imagined  that  she  was  recounting  the  story  of  Frangois 
le  Champi  both  to  a  peasant  and  to  a  resident  of  Paris. 
Fabre  in  Le  Chevrier  made  use  of  the  device  of  a  peasant 
of  Larzac  telling  his  love  experience  to  a  friend  from 
Paris.  This  plan  had  at  least  the  two  advantages  of  novel- 
ty1 and  probability.  It  also  heightened  the  realistic  impres- 
sion that  the  author  wished  to  convey  to  the  mind  of  the 
reader,  and  explained  the  indelicacy  of  much  of  the  langu- 
age, and  justified,  to  a  large  extent,  the  rather  detailed 
descriptions  of  the  sordid  conditions  of  farm  life  among  the 
peasantry.2 

The  theme  is  that  of  Julien  Savignac,  but  the  two  boys 
differ  in  age  and  in  social  position.  Although  there  is  no 
intellectual  relationship  to  be  established  between  the  two, 


1.  See  Fabre's  letter  to  Sainte-Beuve  of  Oct.  5,  1867  (Pas- 
cal, op.  cit.,  p.  658). 

2.  See  present  author's  article,  The  Peasant  Language  of 
Le  Chevrier,  Modern  Philology,  March,  1918. 

8l 


82  The  Novels  of  Ferdinand  Fabre 

there  is  a  marked  similarity  in  emotional  experience.  The 
conception  of  love  in  Le  Chevrier  is  on  a  very  much 
lower  level,  more  evidently  partaking  of  the  nature  of  ani- 
mal instinct.  Fabre,  unlike  George  Sand,3  finds  great 
similarity  between  the  peasants  and  the  animals  they  tend.4 
Animals  show  affection  and  aversion  quite  as  demonstra- 
tively as  men,  and  these  feelings  are  even  more  persistent 
than  with  us.5  When  the  baby  is  born"  to  Felice,  her  at- 
titude toward  it  is  that  of  a  mother  goat  to  her  kid.'"'  Not 
only  is  this  likeness7  brought  out  by  similes,  but  the  im- 
pression is  maintained  by  lending  to  the  entire  story  from 
the  very  beginning  the  atmosphere  of  the  barn  yard. 
After  discussing  very  frankly  the  business  of  breeding 
goats,  by  which  the  peasants  of  that  section  earn  their 
living,  the  first  chapter  closes  with  the  word  abouqnissage 
in  Italics.  In  portraying  the  incidental  details  of  tend- 
ing these  goats,  Fabre's  realism  passes  very  easily  into 
coarse  naturalism.  This  picturing  of  farm  life8  and  its 
details  of  stable  cleaning  are  necessary  for  a  full  realiza- 
tion of  the  environment  and  atmosphere  that  produced 
the  peasant  whose  whole  nature  craved  the  companionship 
of  woman. 

There  is  practically  no  plot,  for  Eran  is  not  interested 


3.  Cf.  Franqois  le  Champi,  Avant  Propos. 

4.  Le   Chevrier,  p.  49.     "L'homme  se  ressemble  aux  betes 
beaucoup  plus  que  Ton  ne  le  croit."     Also  p.  77,  "Voila  un 
animal  qui  en  remonterait  a  plus  d'un  humain." 

5.  Cf.  Galabru,  p.  233,  and  the  introduction  to  Roitelet.  Cf. 
also  G.  Sand,  La  Mare  au  diable,  ch.  I. 

6.  "La  nature  grise  les  meres  des  hommes  comme  des  ani- 
maux."     (p.  30). 

7.  See  page  91. 

8.  Cf.   Zola.    La  Terre,  and  La  Faute   de   I' Abbe  Mouret, 
pt.  III. 


The  Novels  of  Peasant  Life  and  Manners.       83 

in  episodes  that  make  a  story.  He  merely  recounts  the 
history  of  the  birth  and  growth  of  his  love  instinct,  de- 
tailing with  it  much  of  the  peasant's  daily  life.  An  in- 
creased love  of  nature  is  intimately  linked  with  his  other 
emotions.  As  he  sits  at  the  foot  of  the  great  oak  on  his 
return  from  the  fair,  listening  to  the  birds,  he  fancies  that 
they  are  singing  more  beautifully  than  ever  before.  As 
he  thinks  of  Felice,  he  realizes  that  she  appeals  to  his  soul 
as  distinct  from  any  physical  desire.  He  cannot,  however, 
reason  out  the  significance  of  woman  as  an  ideal  in  his 
experiences  as  did  Julien  Savignac  as  he  sat  alone  in  the 
meadow  facing  the  same  problem.  Eran  is  conscious  of 
a  feeling  in  the  presence  of  Felice  that  does  not  resemble 
the  happiness  of  the  days  when  they  with  Fredery  used  to 
tend  the  goats.  Now,  too,  he  is  jealous  of  Fredery,  but  he 
does  not  understand  why.  Though  wanting  the  intel- 
ligence of  Julien,  who  belonged  to  the  bourgeois  class, 
Eran  differs  from  George  Sand's  peasant,  who  merely 
enjoys  the  life  peculiar  to  him  without  feeling  any  desire 
or  need  to  describe  his  emotions.9  Eran  does  feel  that 
need,  and  its  expression  is  the  subject  matter  of  the  novel. 
Like  Meniquette,  Felice  loved  both  her  wooers,  but 
having  promised  herself  to  Fredery,  she  remained  faithful 
to  her  word,  and  urged  Eran  to  seek  another  wife.  Like 
a  savage,  he  picked  her  up  in  his  anger,  and  rushed  away 
to  escape  his  rival.  When  she  fainted  in  his  arms,  his  out- 
burst of  brute  strength  and  violent  abuse  melted  into  ten- 
derness. These  two  extremes  frequently  follow  each 
other  in  the  peasant  nature,  which  is  addicted  to  emotional 


g.  Op.  cit.,  L'Avant  Propos. 


84  The  Novels  of  Ferdinand  Fabre 

revolutions.10  The  more  intense  the  love  passion,  the 
more  violent  is  the  brutal  reaction  of  anger.  When 
Felice  threatened  to  throw  herself  into  the  pond  if  he 
came  a  step  nearer,  Eran  fell  down  before  her  even  more 
helpless  than  she  had  been  a  few  minutes  before.  Finally 
realizing  the  futility  of  his  suit,  he  left  the  farm  where 
Felice  lived,  and  returned  to  his  own  hut  at  Soulaget. 
There  he  experienced  such  a  burning  thrist  that  he  tried 
to  quench  it  by  drinking  quantities  of  water.  His  lips, 
like  red  glowing  coals,  burned  his  ringers,  for  they  had 
kissed  Felice,  and  so  had  drawn  to  them  all  his  blood. 
Nothing  afforded  him  relief.  As  he  gazed  upon  his 
dead  mother's  crucifix,  still  hanging  upon  the  wall,  the 
Christ  gave  no  sign  of  understanding  his  suffering.  Again 
his  crazed  passion  burst  forth  and  he  dashed  the  crucifix 
against  the  wall,  and  then  tramped  upon  it  in  his  fury. 
The  devil  who  prompted  him  to  this  wickedness  seemed 
to  lend  him  his  bat-like  wings,  for,  as  if  by  magic,  he 
suddenly  found  himself  furiously  climbing  the  steep  path 
to  theAgathon  farm,  through  a  storm  quite  in  keeping  with 
his  own  inner  struggle.  Through  the  dim  light  he  dis- 
cerned the  vague  outline  of  his  lady's  window.  His  soul 
strangely  quieted,  he  conceived  the  idea  of  climbing  into 
her  room.  The  moon  now  lighted  one  corner  of  it.  By 
this  light  he  thought  to  discover  the  object  of  his  love 
lying  in  all  the  beauty  of  calm  sleep.  No  one  lay  upon  the 
bed.  Enraged  once  more  he  fell  upon  the  clothing  and 
tore  it  in  his  teeth.  His  anguish  continued  into  the  night. 
At  early  dawn  he  sought  relief  in  feeding  the  goats  in 


10.  Cf.  Pancol.    Cf.  also  Godet,  Ph.,  Bib.  Universelle,  Oct., 
1890,  p.  373. 


The  Novels  of  Peasant  Life  and  Manners.       85 

the  stables. 

Once  more  he  returned  to  his  own  home,  and  soon 
yielded  to  the  fascination  of  Frangon,  a  girl  of  very  dif- 
ferent character.  His  entire  being  demanded  the  friend- 
ship of  a  woman;  without  it  he  felt  capable  of  becoming 
a  worthless  rake.  His  veins  seemed  on  fire  with  passion, 
at  times  he  felt  stifled  by  it.  Like  Pancol11  he  rushed 
from  one  part  of  the  country  to  another  to  quench  this 
fire.  His  language  became  vile  and  abusive.  His  turbu- 
lent emotions  also  affected  his  physical  appearance.12 

He  began  now  to  realize  that  woman  appeals  both  to 
a  man's  moral  and  physical  nature,  and  that  the  same 
woman  may  not  appeal  to  them  both.  "Vrai  est  que 
Felice  possedait  toute  mon  ame,  Franc,on  possedait  tout 
mon  corps,"13  he  declared.  In  part  three,  which  is  en- 
titled Frangon,  Eran  explains  this  twofold  struggle  with- 
in him.  Although  he  soon  wearied  of  Frangon,  he  could 
not  escape  the  power  of  her  fascination.  He  went  to 
work  in  the  same  mill  with  her  lest  the  miller  win  her 
affections  from  him.  Jealous  of  the  attentions  shown  her 
by  other  young  peasants,  he  carried  her  away  in  a  passion 
of  fury  into  Pays-Bas  to  the  grape  harvesting.  There  she 
passed  as  his  wife.  Her  appeal  was  so  transient,  that  he 
wondered  why  his  body  should  continue  in  this  strange 
region,  and  his  soul  remain  at  Mirande.  His  jealousy 
rose  to  a  demoniacal  pitch,  however,  when  she  disappear- 
ed with  one  of  the  other  vintagers.  He  started  in  pur- 
suit. If  he  should  ever  find  her,  he  intended  to  cover 


11.  See  p.  57. 

12.  Cf.  Pancol  and  Julien,  pp.  56,  64. 

13.  Le  Chevrier,  p.  161. 


86  The  Novels  of  Ferdinand  Fabre 

her  cheeks  both  with  kisses  and  blows,  for  those  two  acts 
expressed  the  twofold  nature  of  his  feeling  for  her. 
When  he  discovered  her  in  the  seaport  town  of  Cette  as 
the  mistress  of  a  stranger,  his  passion  was  so  far  spent  that 
he  willingly  abandoned  her.  As  a  reaction  against  what 
he  had  just  been  experiencing,  there  arose  in  him  a  natural 
and  whole  hearted  impulse  to  help  some  one.  So  he 
flung  his  wallet  with  all  his  earnings  to  Fredery  standing 
on  the  deck  of  a  recruit  ship  sailing  for  Africa. 

Thus  far  fleshly  and  brutal  instinct  had  had  almost  com- 
plete mastery  over  Eran's  better  self.  Fabre's  portrayal 
of  animal  passion  has  not  been  relieved  by  the  idealism 
that  permeates  George  Sand's  roman-champetre.  With 
her  the  love  element  is  far  more  a  matter  of  the  heart,  and 
her  heroes  are  not  incited  solely  by  brute  instinct.  Eran 
wanted  a  wife  because  his  nature  demanded  one.  He 
did  not  long  primarily  for  a  home  and  for  children  to  cheer 
him.  This  note  is  revealed  only  toward  the  end  of  the 
book. 

When  Eran  returned  to  Felice,  his  kindness  to  her  ex- 
ceeded that  shown  to  his  mother  whom  he  had  dearly 
loved.  He  wanted  to  marry  her,  and  to  adopt  Fredery 's 
child.  Felice  hesitated  to  accept  Eran's  offer  of  marriage. 
At  last  she  consented,  but  on  the  night  of  the  wedding 
she  drowned  herself.  She  had  saved  the  reputation  of 
her  child,  but  still  loyal  to  the  love  she  bore  Fredery,  she 
chose  suicide  rather  than  live  in  wedlock  with  Eran. 

Felice  is  but  Meniquette  transposed  to  another  novel. 
As  in  Julien  Savignac,  the  concluding  tragedy  raises  the 
general  tone  of  realism  into  the  romantic.  Again  the 
death  of  the  heroine  is  but  the  result  of  a  passion,  or 


The  Novels  of  Peasant  Life  and  Manners.       87 

sentiment,  which  has  gained  our  respect,  if  not  our  sym- 
pathy. We  felt  very  tenderly  toward  Julien's  love,  and 
we  admire  deeply  the  loyalty  of  Felice. 

The  various  characters  in  Le  Chevrier  represent  pas- 
sions or  influences  rather  than  individuals.  The  author 
has  employed  his  usual  method  of  contrast  in  portraying 
them.  Fredery  lacked  moral  stamina  and  a  sense  of 
responsibility.  The  young  girls  of  the  community 
shunned  him,  not  because  of  his  violent  passions,  but  be- 
cause of  his  weak  moral  character.  He  did  not  possess 
the  sense  of  what  is  honorable  and  generous  that  ac- 
companied Eran's  violent  passions.  Eran,  although  the 
victim  of  purely  animal  instincts,  was  more  noticeably 
the  master  of  manly  qualities.  He  combined  those  quali- 
ties that  seemed  to  produce  the  author's  favorite  hero. 
Whether  he  has  grown  up  among  the  goats  in  the  stables, 
or  has  been  carefully  raised  in  the  pious  atmosphere  of 
a  presbytery,  the  chief  traits  of  character  are  the  same. 

The  two  girls  are  distinct,  not  as  individuals,  but  as 
two  natures  differing  in  their  appeal  to  Eran's  passions. 
Malgrison14  and  Abbe  Alquier  represent  influences  felt 
rather  than  characters  seen.  The  usurer  is  like  an  evil 
spirit,  blighting  joy  and  domestic  happiness  throughout 
the  community.  The  priest  brings  encouragement  where- 
ever  he  goes,  appearing  at  those  critical  moments  when 
spiritual  and  religious  comfort  is  most  needed.  The 
author  reveals  this  principle  of  contrast  in  his  method  of 
presenting  his  subject  matter,  as  well  as  in  describing  the 
characters.  The  spirit  of  the  story  is  clearly  poetical, 


14.  Cf.  Balzac's  money  lender,  Rigon   (Les  Paysans). 


88  The  Novels  of  Ferdinand  Fabre 

while  its  foundation  of  details  rests  on  coarse  realism. 
The  author  constantly  juxtaposes  the  two  conceptions,  but 
so  skillfully  that  he  avoids  bathos.  The  realism  of  farm 
life  is  frequently  relieved  by  passages  of  poetical  thought, 
and  poetical  fancy  lowered  by  the  introduction  of  common- 
place actuality.  Immediately  upon  Eran's  burst  of  ex- 
alted sentiment  in  wooing  the  lovely  Felice,  comes  the 
suggestion  that  they  can  easily  earn  a  living  by  breeding 
goats.15  Eran's  language  is  always  picturesque,  and  his 
imagination  that  of  a  poet. 

In  Le  Chevrier  Fabre  presents  his  most  effective  study 
of  peasant  life*.  These  people  are  so  ignorant,  that,  al- 
though the  time  of  the  action  of  the  story  is  1848,  they 
think  they  are  still  living  in  the  time  of  Napoleon  I. 
They  have  heard  about  his  "recent"  return  from  Saint- 
Helena,  and  about  his  wonderful  campaign  against  Mos- 
cow in  order  to  take  Africa  from  the  Africans.16  They 
have  no  understanding  of  the  revolution  of  1848.  Baduel's 
letter,  dated  December  23  of  that  year,  and  addressed 
to  Emperor  Napoleon  at  Paris,  is  very  illuminating.  Evi- 
dently these  peasants  thought  they  were  voting  for 
Napoleon  I  when  they  elected  Louis  Napoleon  to  the 
presidency. 

These  meridionaux  are  superstitious  as  well  as  ignorant. 
For  them  the  outward  forms  of  worship  constitute  only 
a  spectacle.17  Catholicism  has  changed  very  little  these 


15.  Le  Chevrier,  p  81.     Cf.  La  Faute  de  I'Abbe  Mouret, 
where  Zola  adopts  the  same  method  in  contrasting  the  park 
Paradou  with  the  barnyard  of  the  presbytery 

16.  Le  Chevrier,  p.  269. 

17.  Cf.  Celestin,  p.  62;  Barnabe,  p.  316;  Tigrane,  p.   180. 
See  p.  78. 


The  Novels  of  Peasant  Life  and  Manners.       89 

peasants  of  the  mountains,18  and  they  remain  the  pagans 
they  once  were.  At  the  feast  of  Saint  Fulcran19  there 
was  little  or  no  reverence  on  the  part  of  the  peasants. 
The  ceremony  appealed  to  them  only  as  an  entertainment. 
The  saint  as  a  religious  personality  had  no  significance. 
For  them  Jesus  was  born  on  Christmas  at  the  midnight 
mass.  Christ  and  the  devil  are  real  persons  who  appear 
in  bodily  form  if  the  occasion  seems  to  demand  it.  One 
often  sees  the  devil  like  a  black  knight  mounted  on  a  red 
ass20  riding  through  the  country.  When  Eran  is  about  to 
yield  to  the  crazed  passion  of  lust,  Frangon's  prayer  mir- 
aculously cools  his  emotions.  He  is  no  longer  a  man  of 
flesh,  but  has  suddenly  become  like  an  inanimate  object. 
Seeing  Christ  on  the  other  side  of  the  hedge,  he  falls  on 
his  knees  to  finish  the  prayer  that  the  girl  in  her  flight  had 
forgotten.  When  he  raised  his  head  he  saw  in  the  moon- 
light the  good  Lord  passing  up  over  the  top  of  the  moun- 
tain, the  shortest  way  back  to  heaven.21  When  the  same 
temptation  came  again  to  him  with  Felice,  Christ  inter- 
ceded in  person  and  he  was  saved  from  the  sin. 

Until  Eran's  passions  of  love  were  satisfied,  he  was 
unable  to  return,  with  any  peace  of  mind,  to  his  work 
as  a  goatherd  or  tiller  of  the  soil,22  which  had  always  been 
a  source  of  pleasure  and  consolation  until  the  spirit  of 
restlessness  came  upon  him.  That  physical  and  moral 


18.  Celestin,  p.  63. 

19.  Mon  Oncle  Celestin,  ch.  X. 

20.  Le  Chevrier,  p.  321.    Cf.  Taillevent,  p.  24. 

21.  Le  Chevrier,  p.  178. 

22.  Cf.  in  Taillevent  Frederic's  inability  to  assume  charge 
of  his  farm  until  he  experienced  new  hope  in  his  love  for 
Madeleine. 


9O  The  Novels  of  Ferdinand  Fabre 

need  met,  like  all  peasants,  he  was  perfectly  contented 
with  his  lot,  for  a  man  is  a  peasant  or  not  according  to 
whether  he  loves  or  detests  the  soil.23  If  tilling  the  land 
wearies  the  arm,  it  rests  the  soul.  What  peasant  who  has 
quarrelled  with  his  wife  or  hired  hands  or  become  irritated 
by  his  children  has  not  felt  his  anger  pass  in  putting  his 
spade  into  the  hard  rebellious  ground.2*  In  the  presence  of 
the  adversities  of  nature  the  peasant  is  stoical,25  and  trusts 
in  the  earth  as  the  devout  man  trusts  in  God.20  The  peas- 
ants do  not  complain  of  their  poverty,  for  loving  the  soil 
above  all  else,27  from  it  they  derive  their  courage,  honesty, 
religion,  glory  and  joy.  To  them  the  land  is  the  rude 
nurse  of  the  human  race.28  In  thus  glorifying  the  toil 
of  the  peasant  and  his  love  for  the  soil  Fabre  again  re- 
sembles George  Sand.  Like  Pouvillon29  he  believes  that 
the  land  claims  the  toiler,30  and  that  gradually  nature 

23.  Le  Chevner,  p.  191. 

24.  Le  Chevrier,  p.  212.     Cf.  Taillevent,  p.  223.     "Le  con- 
tact journalier  avec  la  terre  communique  a  ceux  qui  la  remu- 
ent  une  force,  superieure  aux  plus  accablantes  calamites  de  la 
vie"     Love  for  the  flocks  has  the  same  effect.     Taillevent,  p 
23- 

25.  Taillevent,  p.  224. 

26.  Ibid.,  p.  227. 

27.  Le   Chevrier,  p.    156,   and   Taillevent,  p.    126.     Cf.   also 
Taillevent,  p.  26.     "L'amour  dont  ils  enveloppaient  la  terre, 
la  terre  au  service  de  laquelle  on  les  avait  plies  des  1'age  le 
plus  tendre,  les  empechait  d'eprouver  1'humilite  de  leur  con- 
dition.    Ils  travaillaient,  et  travailler  leur  etait  joie." 

28.  Taillevent,  p.  26.     Cf.  Barnabe,  p.  323. 

29.  Cf.  Lemaitre,  J.,  Les  Contemporains,  serie  5,  p.  15. 

30.  Cf.  Taillevent,  p.  87.     "Les  gens  de  la  montagne  ceven- 
ole,  que  la  nature  a  traites   en  maratre,  car  lorsqu'elle  leur 
ouvre  ses  flancs,  ce  n'est  pas  pour  les  nourir,  mais  pour  les 
reprendre,  les  recuperer  jalousement,  apres  une  vie  de  fatigues 
extenuantes,  de  sueurs  meurtrieres,  d'efforts  desesperes."    Cf. 
also  Xaviere,  p.  246.    "D'ailleurs,  la  terre  me  suffit ;  quand  elle 
ne  voudra  plus  de  ma  sueur,  elle  me  prendra." 


The  Novels  of  Peasant  Life  and  Manners.       91 

practically  absorbs  him.31 

According  to  M.  Pellissier  Fabre  is  the  first  to  present 
the  peasant  in  all  the  truth  of  his  character.32  He  has 
described  him,  it  is  true,  in  all  the  various  phases  of  his 
comparatively  simple  life,  telling  of  his  joys  and  sorrows, 
his  toil  and  his  diversions,  his  religion,  his  avarice  and  in- 
tense greed  for  land,  and  especially  his  love  for  the  soil 
he  works,  his  home  and  family  ties,  and  more  than  all 
else  his  passions  of  love  and  hate.  He  has  portrayed 
his  good  qualities  as  well  as  his  sins.  Fabre  always  as- 
sumes the  part  of  an  observer,  not  an  indifferent  observer 
like  Flaubert,  but  one  who  manifests  sympathy  and  in- 
terest which  enlarges  for  him  the  understanding  of  his 
subject.  Outwardly  he  regularly  depicts  him  as  strong, 
robust,  heavily  bearded  and  with  hairy  arms  and 
breast,33  more  a  beast  than  man.  In  fact,  in  similes  he 
constantly  likens  him  to  animals.34  His  love  passion  is 
primarily  animal  instinct.35  Fabre  does  not  idealizf  his 


31.  Celestin,  p.  59.     "Ou  bien  est-il  aux  champs  des  etres 
que  1'heredite  a  si  intimement  lies  a  la  nature,  qu'il  faudrait 
les    confondre    avec    les    arbres,    les    troupeaux,    qui    les    en- 
tourent." 

32.  See  Petit  de  Julleville,  Histoire  de  la  lang.  et  de  la  lit. 
fran.  tome  VIII,  p.  251. 

33.  Taillcvent,  p.  94,  Galabru,  p.  310;  Barnabe,  pp.  189,  254; 
Savignac,  p.  66;   Xaviere,  p.    113.     Akin  to  this   tendency  is 
one  more  unusual  in  that  he  is  fond  of  mentioning  the  hair 
growth  on  the  lips  and  cheeks  of  women.     Sylviane,  p.  22; 
Gaffarot,  p.   173;  Ramire,  p.  16;  Galabru,  p.  46;  Xaviere,  p. 
114.    Ma  Jeunesse,  p.  29. 

34.  Sylviane,  pp.  23,  31,  49,  76,  259;  Galabru,  pp.  90,  120,  133, 
240;  Xaviere,  pp.  203,  256,  117;  Monsieur  Jean,  p.  54;  Le  Chev- 
rier,  p.  49. 

35.  See  Sylviane,  p.  67,  where  Vigneron  very  quaintly  ex- 
presses the  idea.  "Vous  n'etes  pas  sans  avoir  remarque,  vous 
autres,  que,   dans  tous   les   pays,   en  France  et  en   Espagne, 


92  The  Novels  of  Ferdinand  Fabre 

rustic  lover  as  does  George  Sand.  As  a  child  of  nature 
he  is  not  guilty  of  sin  for  his  excesses  of  passion,  whether 
of  love  or  of  anger  and  jealousy.  The  author's  range 
of  peasant  characters  is  limited.  For  the  most  part  he 
portrays  them  as  a  class.  As  leading  characters  they 
readily  conform  to  certain  types.  Pancol,  Eran,  Gali- 
bert,  Justin  Lebasset  differ  little  but  in  name.  The  ter- 
magent  type  does  not  vary  at  all.  Fumat  and  Landri- 
nier36  are  alike.  In  his  clerical  characters,  however,  Fabre 
paints  individuals  rather  than  types. 


dans  la  montagne  ensemble  et  dans  la  plaine,  les  gargons  en 
fleur  de  jeunesse  sont  coutumiers  de  regarder  du  cote  des 
filles  et  que  les  filles,  sur  cet  article,  se  comportent  comme  les 
gargons.  Us  ne  le  font  pas  expres,  c'est  plus  fort  qu'eux.  Au 
fait,  les  betes  se  conduisent-elles  autrement?  Non!  non! 
Chacun  a  son  tour  casse  son  licol,  et  le  bon  Dieu,  qui  voit  les 
folies  de  ses  creatures,  ne  dit  rien,  ne  bouge  pas  au  ciel,  ou 
il  continue  de  se  promener  tranquillement  en  compagnie  de  la 
Vierge  et  des  saints." 
36.  See  Xavidre. 


CHAPTER  V 
THE  ECCLESIASTICAL  NOVELS 

I 

L'ABBE  Tigrane,  the  first  of  the  ecclesiastical  novels, 
presents  the  study  of  a  priest,  who,  a  victim  of  the 
passion  of  ambition,  rose  through  determination  and  poli- 
tical scheming,  from  the  ranks  of  the  peasantry  to  the 
bishopric  of  Lormieres.  He  sought  election  to  this  see 
twice.  The  first  time  Abbe  de  Roquebrun,  a  member 
of  the  Regular  clergy,  was  chosen  in  preference.  Hatred 
rankled  in  his  heart  for  ten  years.  As  Director  of  the 
Seminary  at  Lormieres,  he  opposed  the  authority  of  his 
bishop,  even  organizing  a  revolt  among  the  local  clergy. 
The  long  struggle  for  mastery  between  the  powerful 
wills  of  these  two  men,  gradually  broke  the  health  of 
Roquebrun,  and  he  finally  died  at  Paris  where  he  had 
gone  secretly  with  the  definite  purpose  of  insuring  for 
his  private  secretary,  Abbe  Ternisien,  the  nomination  as 
his  successor.  The  bishop's  body  was  brought  to  his  own 
diocese  for  interment,  but  Tigrane,  having  been  appointed 
vicar-general,  forbade  the  use  of  the  cathedral  for  the 
obsequies.  The  doors  being  locked,  the  coffin  was  left 
unsheltered  in  the  open  square  before  the  cathedral 
during  a  violent  thunderstorm.  Abbe  Lavernede  and 
other  loyal  followers  of  the  deceased  bishop,  against  the 
orders  of  Tigrane,  secured  the  keys,  and  the  remains  of 

93 


94  The  Novels  of  Ferdinand  Fabre 

the  beloved  bishop  were  finally  borne  into  the  cathedral 
for  burial.  The  efforts  of  Mgr.  de  Roquebrun  in  behalf 
of  Abbe  Ternisien  were  futile.  Rome,  desiring  in  her 
bishops  men  of  strong  will  and  clever  mind,  approved 
the  civil  nomination  of  Tigrane.  Instantly  bishop,  Ti- 
grane,  encouraged  by  his  one  loyal  friend,  Abbe  Mical, 
made  the  goal  of  his  ambitions  the  papal  chair.  The 
action  of  the  story  is  almost  entirely  confined  to  the 
cloisters  about  the  cathedral  Sainte  Irenee. 

The  name  Tigrane  was  given  to  Rufin  Capdepont  as 
a  young  man  by  his  fellow  seminarists,  because  certain 
qualities  in  his  character  and  personal  appearance  con- 
stantly reminded  them  of  a  tiger.  An  indomitable  pride 
had  already  rendered  him  selfish  and  unsympathetic. 
Lack  of  popularity  intensified  this  pride  and  drove  him 
to  seek  relief  and  satisfaction,  if  not  pleasure,  in  excelling 
his  fellow  students  in  scholarship.  He  was  wanting  in 
filial  affection.  So  long  as  his  mother  was  well,  he  saw 
no  reason  for  spending  his  vacations  at  home,  for  thereby 
he  would  lose  valuable  time  that  might  be  spent  in  read- 
ing in  the  seminary  library.  Having  already  realized 
that  he  would  be  called  upon  in  life  to  battle  with  men, 
rather  than  with  the  subtleties  of  faith,  he  decided  to  de- 
vote much  time  to  the  study  of  history  as  more  directly 
helpful  to  that  end.  After  his  ordination  he  was  appoint- 
ed vicar  of  one  of  the  churches  at  Lormieres,  for  the 
bishop  desired  to  keep  near  him  a  man  of  his  intellectual 
attainments.  The  duties  of  simple  parish  priest  proved 
irksome.1  Faithfulness  in  administering  the  sacraments, 


i.  Cf.  Jourfier,  p.  106. 


The  Ecclesiastical  Novels  95 

and  in  confessing  pious  souls,  in  visiting  the  sick,  and  in 
burying  the  dead,  would  not  advance  him  far  in  the 
Church  hierarchy.  By  political  means  only  could  he  at- 
tain the  rank  that  ambition  coveted  for  him.  Therefore 
he  became  tutor  to  the  son  of  Baron  Thevenot,  an  in- 
fluential member  of  the  Chamber  of  Deputies,  and  went 
to  live  at  Paris.  The  Baron's  political  influence  Tigrane 
turned  to  further  his  own  ends.  Realizing  the  power 
of  the  Baroness  in  official  social  circles,  he  ingratiated 
himself  completely  into  her  favor.  His  relations  with 
her  resemble  in  no  way  those  of  a  Julien  Sorel.  Capde- 
pont,  as  a  priest,  held  in  high  regard  his  ecclesiastical 
obligations ;  he  was  pious  and  faithful  in  all  his  religious 
practices.  He  had  absolutely  nothing  in  common  with 
the  libertine  priests  of  the  previous  century.2  Ambition 
had  dried  up  the  sentiments  of  his  heart.3  Bareness 
Thevenot  was  merely  a  factor  in  the  success  of  his  tyran- 
nical aspirations.  Ambition  blinded  him  to  the  indeli- 
cacy of  his  position.  This  unworthy  means  to  an  end 
resulted  not  from  inconsiderate  audacity,  much  less  from 
moral  corruption,  but  from  a  natural  simplicity  of  mind, 
incident  to  his  clerical  training,  which  left  him  in  ignor- 
ance of  a  certain  side  of  social  relationships.  Through 
his  protector's  influence  Capdepont's  name  was  finally  in 
1831  placed  on  the  government's  list  of  candidates  for  the 


2.  Tigrane,  p.  38.     Cf.  Renan,  op.  cit.,  Le  Petit  Seminaire 
Saint  Nicolas  I.     "Je  n'ai  connu  que  de  bons  pretres."    Also 
cf.   Lemaitre,  J.,  who,  too,  once  studied   for  the  priesthood. 
He  says  few  priests  break  their  vows  and  practically  none  are 
wanting  in  the  faith  they  preach.     (Lcs  Contemporains,  II,  p. 
297). 

3.  Tigrane,  p.  37. 


96  The  Novels  of  Ferdinand  Fabre 

episcopacy.  His  hopes,  however,  were  soon  shattered  in 
the  change  of  political  party  in  power.  He  persuaded 
himself  that  his  own  interests — and  perhaps  the  inter- 
ests of  heaven,  too — 4  required  him  to  abandon  the  The- 
venot  family  since  they  no  longer  enjoyed  political  favor. 
He  then  returned  to  the  seminary  at  Lormieres,  and  was 
soon  afterward  appointed  its  Director.  The  feebleness 
of  the  aged  bishop  gave  Tigrane  an  opportunity  of  be- 
coming familiar  with  the  details  of  diocesan  administra- 
tion. At  the  death  of  the  bishop,  Abbe  Armand  de  Roque- 
brun,  through  the  political  influence  of  a  brother,  succeed- 
ed him.  Capdepont  at  once  made  the  new  incumbent 
the  object  of  implacable  hate.  Forgiveness  had  no  part 
in  Tigrane's  moral  nature.  Therefore,  no  amount  of  pol- 
itical favors,  gained  for  him  at  Paris  by  Roquebrun, 
ameliorated  in  any  way  his  unrelenting  hostility  toward 
this  man  who  was  to  him  a  usurper.  Fabre  says  that  the 
intensity  of  Tigrane's  resentment  may  seem  inexplicable 
to  a  layman,  for  the  latter  has  no  idea  of  what  the  episco- 
pacy means  to  a  priest.5  The  bishop  alone  enjoys  full 
sacerdotal  power;  he  is  to  be  consulted  by  the  Pope  him- 
self in  regard  to  all  changes  in  dogma  and  ecclesiastical 
discipline.6  Because  of  the  supremacy  that  the  realization 
of  his  ambitions  would  accord  Capdepont,  his  failure  was 
the  more  exasperating.  It  stirred  within  him  a  furor 
for  persecution  that  not  infrequently  vented  itself  in  as- 
sault upon  any  one  who,  for  the  moment,  was  the  object 
of  his  anger.  He  would  often  knock  senseless  to  the  ground 


4.  Tigrane,  p.  42.    Cf.  Mr.  Slope  in  Barchester  Towers. 

5.  Tigrane,  p.  51. 

6.  Ibid. 


The  Ecclesiastical  Novels  97 

Abbe  Mical,  his  one  loyal  friend,  and  even  threaten  to 
kill  him.7 

On  the  death  of  Roquebrun,  instead  of  renewed  hopes, 
Capdepont  experienced  a  singular  reactionary  depression. 
It  was  not  the  power  of  Paris  or  Rome  that  he  feared, 
but  divine  power  which  he  had  left  out  of  consideration 
in  his  intense  strife  for  worldly  recognition.  He  fell 
into  an  introspective  mood,  analyzing  his  motives  in  his 
long  struggle  for  the  bishopric.  At  first  it  was  only  for 
the  glory  of  the  Church  that  he  sought  to  climb  the  lad- 
der of  the  hierarchy.  Later  it  became  a  selfish  aim,  grow- 
ing in  intensity  through  the  long  martyrdom  of  his  ambi- 
tions. Consistently  maintaining  the  ecclesiastical  point 
of  view,  he  felt  keenly  the  stinging  humiliation  of  seeking 
advancement  in  the  Church  by  political  means.  For  the 
priest  there  can  be  no  superior  outside  the  Church  hier- 
archy. The  laity  should  bow  before  the  clergy,  but  never 
the  clergy  to  the  laity  for  any  advancement  in  ecclesiasti- 
cal circles.8  As  he  sat  in  the  ante-chamber  of  the  Minis- 
tere  des  Cultes,  waiting  his  turn  on  a  basis  with  other 
office  seekers,  he  felt  to  the  full  the  shame  and  degradation 
which  the  Concordat  had  brought  upon  the  Church  and 
her  priests.  His  willingness  to  submit  to  this  humiliation 
indicates  how  completely  he  was  a  slave  to  his  ambitions. 
Nevertheless,  we  feel  that  he  was  the  victim  of  a  passion 
so  powerful,  and  under  the  circumstances  so  natural,  that 
he  deserves  our  sympathy  rather  than  contempt. 

During  these  periods  of  dejection  and  discouragement 


7.  Ibid.,  pp.  50,  101,  236. 

8.  Ibid.,  p.   137.     Cf.   Renan,   op.   cit.,  Le  Petit  Seminaire 
Saint  Nicolas  du  Chardonnet,  I. 


98  The  Novels  of  Ferdinand  Fabre 

Tigrane  displayed  a  gentle  nature  quite  in  contrast  to 
his  former  fierce  impetuousness.  On  hearing  the  name 
of  Roquebrun,  however,  he  at  once  yielded  to  his  impulse 
of  anger  and  hatred.  His  ambitions  had  not  in  the  least 
abated.  When  Ternisien  opened  the  coffin  of  the  deceased 
Roquebrun  so  that  the  working  people  and  the  clergy 
might  view  their  bishop,  Capdepont's  glance  instantly 
riveted  itself  upon  the  miter  and  the  episcopal  ring.  Envy 
completely  mastered  him,  and,  a  prey  to  his  monomania, 
unconscious  of  those  about  him,  he  quickly  stooped  and 
would  have  stolen  the  ring  had  not  the  gentle  Ternisien, 
suddenly  roused  to  a  state  of  fury  in  the  presence  of  such 
desecration,  violently  pushed  the  man  back.  To  the  as- 
tounded crowd,  the  vicar-general  seemed  a  demon  and 
in  his  eyes  "shone  the  fire  of  hell."9 

At  last  a  dispatch  from  Paris  informed  Capdepont  of 
his  civil  nomination  to  the  vacant  see.  Impelled  by  the 
purely  selfish  instinct  to  report  his  success  to  his  enemies 
in  order  to  humiliate  them,  he  ran  excitedly  to  Sainte 
Irenee,  where  Lavernede  was  directing  the  interment  of 
Roquebrun.  Once  in  the  crowd  of  priests  he  regretted 
his  rashness.  It  was  too  late  to  retreat.  He  must  now 
appear  worthy  of  being  the  hierarchical  head  of  his  clergy. 
Suddenly  mastering  his  riotous  emotions,  he  entered  the 
sacristy,  calm  and  majestic  in  his  self  composure.  With 
impressive  dignity  he  admitted  his  injustice  toward  Mgr. 
de  Roquebrun,  and  humbly  besought  the  clergy  to  pardon 
him,  declaring  that  his  hostility  was  due  to  a  violent 
temper  which  often  went  beyond  control.  His  opposi- 


9.  Tigrane,  p.  197. 


The  Ecclesiastical  Novels  99 

tion  to  the  bishop,  he  explained  had  arisen  from  his  too 
ardent  espousal  of  the  tenets  of  the  Gallican  party.  Re- 
cently he  had  had  reason  to  recede  from  his  former  posi- 
tion, for  on  certain  points  his  convictions  had  changed. 
Finally  he  wished  to  announce  his  nomination  as  bishop 
of  Lormieres;  he  hoped  that  all  of  them  would  favor  its 
ratification  at  Rome.  Infuriated  a  moment  later  by  cer- 
tain accusations  of  Lavernede,  he  felt  his  self-possession 
weaken  before  the  violence  of  his  rage.  He  dared  not 
look  upon  his  enemy,  lest  he  should  yield  to  the  temptation 
to  hurl  himself  upon  him.  "Quelle  lutte,  si  le  monta- 
gnard  de  Harros,  un  moment  pacific  par  le  sentiment  de 
son  ambition  satisfaite,  en  arrivant  a  ne  pouvoir  plus  tenir 
en  bride  ses  passions,  qui  s'elanceraient  pareilles  a  des 
betes  feroces,  gueule  beante  et  griffes  deployees.  II  etait 
manifeste  qu'a  cet  instant  meme,  Rufin  Capdepont  liv- 
rait  a  ses  instincts  en  revoke  la  plus  acharnee  bataille  de 
sa  vie.  La  tete  de  notre  heros,  cette  tete  si  fiere,  retom- 
bait  sur  sa  poitrine,  de  telle  sorte  que  la  revolution  dont 
sa  face  etait  le  theatre  sans  doute  echappait  completement 
aux  yeux,"10  He  won  the  struggle,  but  his  strength 
was  exhausted  by  it ;  he  could  no  longer  sustain  the  role  of 
"resigned  victim."11  He  called  for  help,  and  supported 
by  the  loyal  Mical,  departed,  requesting  the  guests  to 
pray  for  him.  At  the  door  he  paused  to  address  to  the 
higher  clergy  a  request  that  if  they  wrote  to  Rome  they 
should  have  it  reported  to  the  Holy  Father  that  his  health 
being  completely  broken,  he  doubted  if  he  could  assume 
the  heavy  responsibility  of  the  episcopacy. 


10.  Tigrane,  p.  271. 
n.  Ibid.,  p.  272. 


IOO  The  Novels  of  Ferdinand  Fabre 

"Quel  comedien!"  murmured  Lavernede. 

Conscious  of  the  hostility  against  him  in  the  diocese 
Capdepont  considered  it  the  part  of  prudence  to  live  the 
life  of  a  recluse,  feigning  ill  health.  In  so  doing  he  obeyed 
the  supreme  law  of  his  interests  and  not  of  his  happiness. 
Often  the  lonesome  cloister,  des  Minimes,  where  he  lived 
with  Abbe  Mical,  resounded  with  the  cries  which  the 
wounds  inflicted  upon  his  character,  his  dignity  and  his 
high  position,  wrung  from  him.  Even  after  Pius  IX 
had  ratified  his  appointment,  Tigrane  continued  his  life 
of  isolation,  having  sacrificed  to  his  ambition  the  respect 
and  good  will  of  both  laity  and  clergy.  The  power  of 
his  office  was  his  sole  reward. 

Although  the  character  of  Tigrane  is  more  penetrat- 
ingly analyzed  in  its  gradual  development,  the  descriptions 
of  the  other  priests  are  not  less  clearly  drawn.  Roquebrun, 
as  Capdepont's  chief  antagonist,  was  an  aristocrat  and 
ultramontanist.  His  charity  endeared  him  to  the  hearts 
of  the  working  people,12  just  as  Tigrane's  want  of  human 
sympathy  had  inspired  hatred.  He  had  the  great  fault 
of  a  violent  temper,  as  his  enemy  had  the  redeeming  vir- 
tue of  a  high  sense  of  priestly  rectitude  and  honor.  Ro- 
quebrun belongs  to  the  Courbezon  type  in  his  excessive 
and  unwise  charity,  and  in  his  delightful  optimism  in  the 
presence  of  personal  discomfort.  Abbe  Ternisien  is  the 
type  naturally  suited  to  the  monastic  life.  Gently  nur- 
tured in  the  highest  ideals  of  the  Christian  Church,  he 
was  entirely  unfitted  to  battle  with  the  outside  world. 
A  life  intimately  associated  with  the  organization  of  the 


.  Cf.  Jourfier,  p.  109. 


The  Ecclesiastical  Novels  101 

Church,  its  turmoil  and  political  machinations,  was  too 
turbulent  for  his  timid  disposition.  After  the  cruel  dis- 
illusionment in  matters  of  ecclesiastical  government,  suf- 
fered at  the  hands  of  Cardinal  Marfei,  the  polished  dip- 
lomat, cold  and  unfeeling  in  an  official  capacity,  sympath- 
etic and  warm  hearted  at  other  times,  Ternisien  eagerly 
returned  to  the  Franciscan  monastery  at  Tivoli,  to  take 
up  again  a  life  compatible  with  his  idealistic  temperament. 
Of  the  two  priests,  Lavernede  and  Mical,  the  former  is 
the  devoted  friend  of  Roquebrun,  Mical  the  advisor  and 
trusted  confident  of  Tigrane.  Alike  in  their  fearlessness 
and  in  their  capacity  for  loyal  friendship,  they  differ  in 
the  fact  that,  while  'Lavernede  is  impetuous,  and  suscept- 
ible to  attacks  of  righteous  indignation  that  drive,  him 
into  acts  of  violence  and  indiscretion,  Mical  is  cautious, 
self-controlled,  and  almost  Machiavelian  in  his  insight 
into  the  characters,  motives,  and  ends  that  dominate  the 
activities  of  the  Church.  Lavernede  has  not  the  same 
appreciation  of  the  nature  of  his  calling  as  something 
quite  apart  from  the  secular  professions,  as  have  his  col- 
leagues. To  him  the  cause  of  righteousness  has  supremacy 
over  clerical  affiliations.  Turlot  and  Clamonse  are  con- 
summate cowards.13  With  all  their  piety  they  reveal  to 
a  striking  degree,  even  in  the  higher  clergy,  that  servility 
and  moral  weakness  which  Fabre  persistently  condemns. 
Mical  shrewdly  remarks  to  them,  "Je  ne  sais  qui,  de  Cap- 
depont  ou  de  vous,  a  donne  les  preuves  les  plus  eclatantes 
de  degradation  morale."14 

Although  these  various  priests  stand  out  clearly  as  in- 


13.  Cf.  Don  Abbondio  in  /  promessi  sposi  by  A.  Manzoni. 

14.  Tigrane,  p.  239. 


IO2  The  Novels  of  Ferdinand  Fabre 

dividualities  differing  widely  in  disposition  and  tempera- 
ment, they  have,  with  the  possible  exception  of  Lavernede, 
the  same  attitude  toward  the  laity.  Tigrane,  who  clings 
but  lightly  to  his  Gallican  theories,  and  for  expediency's 
sake  readily  abandons  them,  feels  that  he  has  experienced 
the  deepest  possible  humiliation  in  being  forced  to  curry 
secular  favor.  Nothing  humiliates  a  priest  more  than  to 
make  confessions  to  the  laity.15  The  Regular  clergy, 
particularly,  assume  such  an  attitude.  Even  more  than  an 
open  fight  between  two  priests,  Ternisien  dreaded  a 
scandal  within  the  Church.  He  feared  the  enemies  of 
religion  would  shout,  "Just  see  how  the  priests  live  among 
themselves."16  The  Superior  of  the  Capuchins  accused 
Lavernede  of  having  lost  the  spirit  of  his  vocation  when 
he  desired  to  give  Capdepont's  perfidy  as  much  publicity 
as  possible,  thereby  to  hamper  his  election  as  their  bishop. 
The  clergy  as  a  whole  maintained  that  it  was  better  to 
bury  the  beloved  Roquebrun  in  the  city  cemetery  than 
to  let  the  outside  world  learn  of  the  dissensions  within 
their  orders.17  A  priest  must  always  consider  first  the 
reputation  of  his  order  and  of  the  clergy  in  general.  The 
laity  is  the  natural  enemy  of  the  clergy.  Evil  exists 
not  among  priests,  but  among  other  people,  whom  it  is 
the  duty  of  the  clergy  to  save. 

It  is  worthy  of  note  that  Fabre  allies  the  sympathies 
of  the  working  classes  with  Roquebrun.18     They  are  free 


15.  Tigrane,  p.  158. 

16.  Ibid.,  p.  164. 

17.  Ibid.,  p.  201. 

18.  Cf.  the  loyalty  of  the  glass  workers  to  Jourfier  in  Luci- 
fer.   Cf.  also  the  attitude  of  the  working  classes  in  Taine,  H., 
Regime  Moderne,  L'Eglise,  Bk.  V,  ch.  Ill,  p.  149. 


The  Ecclesiastical  Novels  103 

to  express  vigorously  and  loyally  their  friendship,  while 
the  clergy  are  tied,  and  cannot  openly  support  a  just  cause. 
In  that  quarter  of  the  city  where  the  paper  factories 
were,  the  mourning  for  the  dead  bishop,  although  less 
religious  than  in  the  convents,  was  more  human.  The  sig- 
nificance of  L'Abbe  Tigrane  is  not,  as  has  been  affirmed,19 
revealed  in  the  assertion  that  while  the  Church  can- 
not lie,  its  officers  can,  and  sometimes  ought  to,20  but 
consists  rather  in  a  demonstration  of  what  the  author 
affirmed  in  Les  Courbezon,  "that  after  all  priests  were 
but  men."21  The  clergy,  by  separating  themselves  from 
the  laity,  lead  an  artificial  life.  While  in  public  they  may 
be  different,  in  their  private  lives  they  resemble  much  the 
lives  of  other  men.22  Ternisien  is  the  only  one  who  im- 
presses us  with  his  spirituality.  His  nature  required  a  life 
that  was  wholly  isolated  from  the  desires  of  the  normal 
man.23  God  and  the  spiritual  world  were  the  two  es- 
sentials of  his  daily  life.  The  other  characters  are  first 
of  all  men  with  human-  passions  and  emotions,  who  hap- 
pen here  to  be  playing  the  role  of  priests.  Capdepont, 
Mical,  Roquebrun,  and  the  rest  might  easily  step  out  of 
their  vestments  and  fit  into  politics  or  any  other  situation. 
The  story  impresses  one  as  a  powerful  description  of 
human  character,  to  which  the  ecclesiastical  setting  is 
secondary.24 


19.  Wells,  B.  W.,  A  Century  of  French  Fiction,  p.  337. 

20.  Tigrane,  p.  293. 

21.  Courbezon,  p.  82. 

22.  Cf.  Trollope,  A.,  Bar  Chester  Towers,  and  Quarterly  Re- 
vierv,  July  1899,  also  Giraudon-Gineste,  L.,  Nouv.  R.    (1898) 
CXI  I,  p.  702. 

23.  Tigrane,  p.  52. 

24.  Cf.  Doumic,  op.  cit.,  p.  936. 


IO4  The  Novels  of  Ferdinand  Fabre 

The  preceding  statements  apply  more  particularly  to 
the  strong,  self-willed  men  who  are  the  leading  characters 
in  the  drama.  The  lesser  clergy,  however,  bear  a  stamp 
of  shameful  servility  and  belong  to  a  different  class. 
Tigrane  easily  instigated  a  revolt  among  the  priests  of 
the  diocese  against  the  authority  of  Mgr.  de  Roquebrun. 
When  the  bishop  appeared  suddenly  among  them,  how- 
ever, all  signs  of  opposition  vanished  as  if  by  magic.  A  slave 
by  signing  a  protest,  does  not  thereby  free  himself  from 
long  habits  of  servitude.  Fabre  recalls  the  statement  of 
the  Cardinal-Archbishop  of  Rouen:  "Mon  clerge  est  un 
regiment :  il  doit  marcher,  et  il  marche  !"25  The  majority 
of  the  clergy,  in  the  struggle  between  Tigrane  and  Ro- 
quebrun, have  no  convictions  as  to  the  merits  of  the  quar- 
rel, but  fear  merely  to  ally  themselves  with  the  losing 
party.  None  of  the  clergy,  in  fact,  is  ever  free  from  the 
terrible  absolutism  of  the  hierarchy.  Constant  apprehen- 
sion obliterated  all  sense  of  personal  dignity  and  honor- 
ableness  in  Turlot  and  Clamonse,  both  scholarly  men  and 
directors  in  the  seminary. 

As  the  latter  chapters  of  Les  Courbezon  involved  ques- 
tions of  Church  authority,  so  those  of  UAbbe  Tigrane 
discuss  the  problems  of  Church  administration.  If  one 
were  to  draw  a  conclusion  from  Fabre's  account  of  the 
methods  of  ecclesiastical  organization  and  discipline,  I 
think  it  would  be  that  a  diplomacy  entirely  unworthy 
of  the  dignity  of  the  Christian  Church  has  resulted  from 
the  unnatural  affiliation  of  Church  and  State  effected  by 
the  Concordat.  To  place  a  spiritual  institution  on  a 


25.  Tigrane,  p.    124,   "cette  parole  hautaine   prononcee  au 
Senat  le  n  mars,  1865." 


The  Ecclesiastical  Novels  105 

secular  basis  is  always  disastrous  to  the  cause  of  relig- 
ion.26 Whatever  direct  attack  the  author  may  have  in- 
tended, it  is  against  the  individuals27  and  the  policies  of 
the  Church  and  not  against  her  religion.  The  system  of 
ecclesiastical  organization  and  discipline  has  been  respon- 
sible for  the  faults  of  these  priests.  The  implacable  Ti- 
grane  was  the  product  of  the  principle  of  celibacy;  the 
hierarchy  held  in  submission  the  admirable  qualities  of 
Abbe  Lavernede,  and  reduced  to  a  condition  of  abject 


26.  Note.     In  Mgr.  Fulgence  Fabre  discusses  at  length  the 
question  of  the  affiliation  of  Church  and  State.     He  declares 
that  Church  and  State  have  been  constant  rivals — (cf.  Taine. 
Regime  Moderne,  L'Eglise,  Bk.  V,  ch.  Ill,  p.  138) — under  the 
Concordat,  and  that  the  Church  has  not  been  loath  to  take 
revenge    whenever    an    occasion     was     presented     (p.     253). 
Treaties  and  concordats  have  always  been  injurious  to  either 
Church  or  State.     In  either  case  it  is  religion  that  suffers, 
which  needs  to  be  ratified  by  neither  Pope  nor  Emperor  in 
order  to  live  in  the  human  soul.     (p.  256).    The  State  has  not 
charge  of  souls,  only  of  civil  interests.     Allow  the  Republic 
sufficient  time  and  it  will  denounce  the  Concordat.     The  con- 
flict will  not  be  open  warfare,  the  troops  of  the  Pope   re- 
maining concealed.     The  Church  is  unwilling  to  fight  in  the 
open.    The  immense  population  of  the  religious  orders  com- 
pose a  formidable  army  whose  methods  are  not  easily  seen. 
The  Jesuits  and  Dominicans  are  not  primarily  the  protectors 
of   religion.     They  are  politicians,   who   through   their   piety 
gather  adherents  from  the  members  of  the  old  parties  still  in 
favor  of  monarchy  (  p.  263).     Cf.  Lucifer  and  Madame  Fus- 
ter. 

Cf.  also  Roi  Ramire,  p.  153.  "Je  ne  range  1'Eglise  dans  au- 
cun  parti ;  1'Eglise  est  au-dessus  de  tous  les  partis,  et  mon 
avis  est  au'on  rabaisse  singulierement  la  majeste,  la  grandeur, 
la  divinite  de  1'Eglise  de  la  meler  aux  tristes  passions  qui 
agitent  nos  temps  troubles. 

"La  question  du  Roi  est  la  question  du  Roi,  rien  de  plus ; 
une  question  absolument  humaine,  une  affaire  entre  homines." 
P-  ISS- 

27.  Cf.   Delfour,  Abb6,  La  religion  des  contemporains,  t 
II,  p.  210. 


106  The  Novels  of  Ferdinand  Fabre 

cowardice  abbes  Clamonse  and  Turlot ;  ecclesiastical  poli- 
tics produced  the  wily  and  astute  Mical,  whose  keen 
analysis  of  character  and  motives  led  him  to  exclaim,  "O 
sainte  Eglise  Catholique!  il  faut  bien  que  quelque  chose 
de  divin  reside  en  toi,  puisque  tes  pretres  n'ont  pu  reussir 
a  te  perdre."28 

II 

Lucifer  tells  the  story  of  a  priest's  attempt  to  overthrow 
the  power  of  the  Jesuits  and  to  secure  for  himself  per- 
sonal and  religious  freedom.  Bertrand  Jourfier  was  the 
son  of  a  republican,  the  avowed  enemy  of  the  Jesuits, 
and  grandson  of  the  Conventionist  Philarete  Jourfier,  who 
voted  for  the  death  of  the  Catholic  King,  Louis  XVI. 
In  order  to  avenge  the  father  upon  the  son,  the  Jesuits 
endeavored  to  prevent  his  ordination.  This  opposition 
led  him,  in  spite  of  mental  and  spiritual  misgivings  as 
to  his  vocation,29  to  take  the  orders  of  sub-deacon.  He 
had  inherited  strong  republican  and  Gallican  tendencies 
not  in  strict  accord  with  the  theories  of  Church  discipline. 
His  nature,  stamped  with  the  traditions  of  his  family, 
could  tolerate  no  opposition,  nor  humiliation  of  personal 
dignity,  without  there  being  aroused  within  him  the  most 
bitter  and  violent  resentment.  As  a  priest  he  found  the 
ritualistic  side  of  the  service  uninteresting,  and  the  duties 
of  confession  and  of  administration  of  the  sacraments 
irksome.30  The  Jesuits,  anxious  to  secure  as  members 


28.  Tiarane,  p.  245. 

2g.  Lucifer,  p.  71,  "La  verite  est  que  je  suis  entre  dans 
1'Eglise  sans  avoir  entendu  clairement  a  mon  oreille  la  voix 
de  la  vocation.'' 

30.  Cf.  p.  94. 


The  Ecclesiastical  Novels  107 

of  their  order31  the  most  promising  young  priests,  were 
attracted  by  his  sermons,  and  used  their  influence  to  pre- 
vent his  preaching  at  all  unless  he  joined  the  Society. 
His  unyielding  pride,  and  his  vituperation  directed  against 
all  monastic  orders  gained  for  him  the  name  of  Lucifer. 
Through  their  influence  he  was  removed  from  his  posi- 
tion as  second  vicar  to  that  of  simple  desservant  in  a  re- 
mote mountain  parish.  Proving  hostile  to  the  religious 
orders  established  in  that  locality,  he  was  again  trans- 
ferred to  Mireval.  There  Count  de  Servies  succeeded 
in  having  him  appointed  cure  doyen  of  Saint-Saturnin  les 
Murs.  In  this  capacity  his  tenure  of  office  no  longer  de- 
pended upon  the  bishop,  but  upon  the  civil  authori- 
ties.32 In  his  subordinate  position  Jourfier  had  used 
discretion  in  his  utterances  against  the  Regular  clergy, 
and  especially  during  the  last  few  years  when  he  had 
been  the  sole  support  of  his  widowed  sister  and  her  son. 
His  responsibility  was  poignantly  brought  to  his  mind 
by  the  tragic  fate  of  Abbe  Vignerte,  who  having  been  ex- 
pelled from  the  Church,  wandered  an  outcast  and  vaga- 
bond, among  the  mountains.33  The  possibility  of  a  like 
fate  had  moderated  the  violence  of  his  attacks  against 
his  enemies.  Freed  from  such  a  danger,  he  yielded  to  his 
desire  to  protest  against  the  increasing  power  of  the  Com- 
pany of  Jesus;  a  desire  the  more  violent  for  having  been 
long  subdued. 


31.  Cf.   Bishop   Duponloup.     See  Renan,  op.   cit.,  Le  Petit 
Seminaire  Saint-Nicolas  du  Chardonnet. 

32.  A  desservant  may  be  removed  at  the  will  of  the  bishop, 
but  a  cure  cannot  be  removed  except  by  the  sanction  of  the 
government. 

33.  Lucifer,  p.  113.    Cf.  p.  44. 


Io8  The  Novels  of  Ferdinand  Fabre 

Like  Ferrand,  Capdepont,  and  Celestin,  Jourfier  was  a 
student  of  ecclesiastical  history.  At  the  instance  of  his 
loyal  friend,  Abbe  Couzalou,  dean  of  the  canons  of  the 
cathedral  of  Saint  Optat  at  Mireval,  he  undertook  to 
write  L'  Histoire  generate  de  I'Eglise.  The  fortune  of 
the  late  Canon  Barthet  being  at  his  disposal  for  the  con- 
summation of  this  great  work,  he  resigned  his  post  as 
cure  doyen  to  become  canon  of  the  local  chapter.  Practi- 
cally in  seclusion  he  worked  steadily  at  the  history.  The 
Gallican  tone  of  the  first  volumes  incensed  the  Jesuits. 

Shortly  after  the  establishment  of  the  Republic  of  1870, 
through  the  efforts  of  Count  de  Servies,  Jourfier  was 
nominated  to  the  bishopric  of  Sylvanes.  He  declared 
he  had  no  hierarchical  ambition  and  would  not  accept 
the  nomination.  He  felt  daily  more  and  more  convinced 
that  he  had  lacked  completely  the  divine  vocation  on 
taking  his  vows.  His  friends  persuaded  him,  however, 
that  as  an  enthusiastic  republican,  his  duty  required  him 
to  accept  a  position  in  which  he  could  effectively  oppose 
the  Jesuits,  hostile  to  the  new  government.  The  Con- 
gregations powerful  in  the  diocese  of  Sylvanes,  refused  to 
obey  their  bishop.  Jourfier  made  his  episcopal  visit  to 
Rome  with  the  hope  of  exacting  obedience  by  means  of  a 
reproval  from  the  Holy  Father.  Pius  IX,  completely 
under  the  influence  of  the  Jesuits,  received  him  with  ap- 
parent coolness.  Cardinal  Finella  told  him  that  he  had 
erred  in  demanding  obedience  from  the  Regular  clergy, 
for  they  were  under  the  immediate  authority  of  the  Pope. 
Only  the  Secular  clergy  owed  obedience  to  the  local 
bishops.  Like  Lamennais,  he  returned  from  Rome  dis- 
couraged, having  lost  faith  in  the  justice  of  the  Pope  and 


The  Ecclesiastical  Novels  109 

his  cardinals.34  Completely  disheartened  he  lived  as  a  re- 
cluse in  his  palace,35  even  denying  himself  to  his  friends. 
He  failed  to  reconcile  himself  with  the  ideals  of  the 
Church.  All  attempts  at  self  analysis  did  not  solve  the 
problems  that  burdened  his  heart.  His  resignation  as 
bishop  would  give  the  victory  to  his  enemies ;  open  suicide 
would  be  unworthy  of  the  dignity  of  his  family  and  would 
bring  scandal  upon  the  Church.  A  manner  of  death 
that  would  appear  the  result  of  accident  persistently  pre- 
sented itself  to  his  mind. 

Before  his  death,  however,  Bertrand  longed  to  remove 
the  body  of  his  grandfather,  the  Conventionist,  from  the 
unconsecrated  ground  where  he  had  been  interred  at  the 
time  of  the  restoration  of  the  monarchy  and  to  give  him 
Catholic  burial  in  the  cemetery  of  Mireval,  where  the 
family  had  long  been  the  leading  manufacturers  of  the 
city.  As  bishop,  although  of  another  diocese,  Jourfier 
felt  that  he  could  authorize  the  transfer  and  the  eccles- 
iastical burial.  When  he  wished  to  celebrate  a  requiem 
in  his  former  church  of  Sainte-Eulalie,  he  found  the  doors 
had  been  locked  against  him  by  order  of  the  Jesuit  bishop. 
However,  at  the  head  of  a  long  procession  of  working 
people,  who  loved  dearly  Bertrand36  and  revered  the 
memory  of  his  grandfather,  he  found  his  way  into  the  cath- 
edral of  Saint  Optat.  Mass  was  celebrated,  absolution 
given,  the  burial  service  completed  without  molesta- 
tion from  his  enemies.  They  succeeded,  however,  in  win- 
ning away  from  him  his  nephew,  Abbe  Jean  Montagnol, 


34.  Cf.  L'Abbe  Froment  in  Zola's  Rome. 

35.  Cf.  Abbe  Trigane. 

36.  Cf.  Mgr.  de  Roquebrun  in  Tigrane. 


HO  The  Novels  of  Ferdinand  Fabre 

who  secretly  joined  the  Regulars  and  went  to  Italy. 

After  returning  to  Sylvanes,  Jourfier  became  more 
morose,  and  his  attacks  of  anger  were  more  violent.  He 
no  longer  desired  to  belong  to  the  Church,  for  she  had  de- 
ceived his  hopes,  his  thoughts,  his  life,  and  had  become  a 
prison  from  which  there  was  no  escape.37  Christmas 
eve,  just  before  the  midnight  mass,  he  rushed  madly  from 
the  lonely  tower  which  he  used  as  a  study,  out  into  the  vio- 
lent storm.  A  few  monents  later  his  dead  body  was  dis- 
covered lying  bruised  and  bleeding  at  the  base  of  the 
high  wall  overlooking  the  river.  In  the  darkness  and 
blinding  snow,  he  had  apparently  lost  his  way  and  had 
fallen  over  the  parapet. 

L'Abbe  Jourfier38  is  probably  the  author's  most  vigor- 
ous creation.  He  represents  a  man  whose  whole  nature 
is  more  fully  developed  than  in  any  other  of  Fabre's 
priests.  In  the  violence  of  his  anger  and  in  his  inability 
to  control  it,  he  resembles  Tigrane.  He  has  less  tact, 
however,  than  Capdepont,  and  is  far  more  susceptible  to 
kindness,  which,  in  fact,  always  calmed  his  overwrought 
emotions.  His  excesses  of  passion  and  his  sudden  changes 
of  mood  were  due  to  celibacy.  His  nature  would  have 
been  subdued  by  the  gentle  affection  of  a  wife  and  child- 
ren.39 The  early  years  of  Jourfier's  priesthood  were 
passed  in  a  kind  of  moral  inertia.  He  felt  his  moral 
strength  weaken,  however,  on  hearing  the  confession  of 
the  interdicted  Abbe  Vignerte.  Then  he  realized  the 


37.  Lucifer,  p.  391. 

38.  Cf.  Pellissier,  in  Petit  de  Julleville,  op.  cit.  t.  VIII,  p. 
249. 

39.  Lucifer,  p.   106. 


The  Ecclesiastical  Novels  in 

peril  of  his  situation.  His  entire  body  trembled  when 
confessing  any  woman,  even  though  the  poorest  peasant 
in  the  parish.  His  victory  over  the  flesh  after  years  of 
struggle,  was  an  experience  that  Tigrane  never  felt  to 
any  such  degree.  Cardinal  Finella,  who  had  trained  his 
ear  to  detect  the  voice  of  God,  heard  only  that  of  the  man 
in  the  bishop  of  Sylvanes.40  Unlike  the  Jesuits  he  re- 
tained a  very  definite  idea  of  his  duty  toward  his  country 
and  his  family.  Both  were  realities  that  had  not  been  ab- 
sorbed by  love  for  God.  A  friend  of  the  working  peo- 
ple, he  felt  that  their  problems  had  a  more  vital  import- 
ance for  the  development  of  mankind  than  did  matters 
purely  ecclesiastical.41  To  him  honor  and  bravery  were 
the  characteristics  of  an  honest  man.  He  respected 
Mayor  Mouilleron,  who,  when  ordered  by  the  mob  to 
cheer  the  Republic,  shouted  "Vive  1'Empereur."  This 
man  dared  to  maintain  his  convictions  in  the  face  of 
danger.  As  a  layman  it  was  his  privilege  to  be  honest, 
a  privilege  that  Jourfier  struggled  for  in  vain. 

In  Lucifer  Fabre  presents  a  powerful  study  of  the  soul 
of  an  intelligent  young  priest,  torn  and  exhausted  by 
mental  conflicts42  and  crises.  He  portrayed  the  terrible 
moral  dilemma  in  which  a  man  perceives  one  side  of 
his  nature  hopelessly  battling  with  another.43  Vows  once 
taken  could  not  be  broken,  yet,  for  Abbe  Jourfier  those 
vows  were  wrong  in  that  they  prevented  his  moral  and 
spiritual  development.  To  break  them  would  be  no  less 


40.  Lucifer,  p.  320. 

41.  Cf.  Zola,  Rome. 

42.  Cf.  Taine,  op.  cit.,  Bk.  V,  ch.  Ill,  p.  142. 

43.  Cf.    Deschamps,    G.,    Vie   Litteraire,  Ferdinand   Fabre, 
Le  Temps,  13  fev.  1898, 


112  The  Novels  of  Ferdinand  Fabre 

a  crime  than  to  live  on  under  false  appearances.  At  the 
very  beginning  of  the  book,  the  author  differentiates  be- 
tween two  classes  of  priests — those  who  little  realize 
the  portent  of  their  vows  and  whose  chief  motive  in  enter- 
ing the  Church  is  a  means  of  livelihood  without  too  ardu- 
ous duties,44  others  whose  natures  have  been  profoundly 
stirred  by  the  tremendous  significance  of  the  vow,  sacerdos 
in  aeternum,  and  who  enter  upon  their  duties  with  trepi- 
dation lest  they  be  unworthy  of  their  very  high  calling 
with  its  great  responsibility.  To  this  latter  class  Jourfier 
belonged.  He  maintained  that  Church  and  State  should 
be  separate,  and  that  no  priest  should  ever  take  part  in 
the  political  world,  or  adopt  the  principles  thereof.45  On 
the  other  hand,  he  was  preeminently  interested,  like  his 
ancestors,  in  the  political  welfare  of  his  country,  and  felt 
that  he  ought  to  assume  an  active  part  in  the  national 
upbuilding  of  France,  torn  constantly  by  opposing  political 
parties.  As  a  clerical  he  felt  that  he  did  not  attain  to  the 
high  standard  of  his  ancestors  in  their  honesty  of  con- 
victions and  the  service  rendered  to  mankind. 

Strong  physically,  and  of  a  vigorous  and  passionate 
nature,  Bertrand  Jourfier  overcame  the  temptations  of 
the  flesh  only  after  a  long  hard  struggle.  Though  he 
could  master  his  physical  nature  in  accordance  with  the 
laws  of  the  Church,  he  could  not  subject  his  mind  to  her 
dictates.46  According  to  Jules  Lemaitre47  Jourfier,  how- 


44.  Lucifer,  p.  i. 

45.  Lucifer,  p.  230.    "Un  pretre  est  un  etre  a  part."  Cf .  note 
p.  105. 

46.  Cf.  Abbe  Froment  in  Zola's  Lourdes. 
47-  Op.  cit.,  t.  II,  p.  297. 


The  Ecclesiastical  Novels  113 

ever  honest48  and  upright,  lacked  completely  the  eccle- 
siastical mind.  For  him  religious  morals  opposed  natural 
morals.49  Many  of  the  sentiments  which  form  the  basis  of 
the  virtues  of  a  layman,  such  as  care  for  one's  honor  and 
self  respectability,  and  independence  of  thought  are  crimes 
for  the  orthodox  priest,50  who,  sacrificing  personal  rights, 
must  surrender  himself  entirely  to  the  Church  and  her 
dogmas.51  Jourfier  in  his  efforts  to  reconcile  the  two 
standards  of  morals  finally  declared  that  all  religions  lie, 
for  reason  is  the  divine  gift  to  man.  Whatever  God 
there  is,  must  reside  in  reason.52  Very  different  was  the 
conclusion  of  Abbe  Ferrand,53  who  too,  was  a  scholar 
of  vigorous  intellect.  By  establishing  the  premise  of 
Church  dogma,  he  is  mentally  honest  in  his  attitude  and 
deserves  respect  as  a  priest.  Jourfier,  on  the  other  hand, 


48.  Lucifer,  p.  342.    "Je  suis  un  honnete  homme,  et  un  hon- 
nete homme,  entre  dans  1'eglise  catholique,  ne  saurait  se  con- 
duire  autrement  que  je  me  conduis." 

49.  Cf.  in  Madame  Fuster,  p.  453,  the  point  of  view  of  the 
philosopher   Nadalewski,   and   that  of    the    priest,    Phillapou. 
Nadalewski :    "Un   pretre    est-il    dispense   d'etre   un   honnete 
homme?"  Phillapou:  "II  se  peut  se  presenter  des  cas  6u  un 
pretre  se  trouve  dispense  d'etre  un  honnete  homme  selon  le 
monde,    1'honnetete    selon    le    monde    n'etant    pas    tou  jours 
1'honnetete  selon  Dieu.     Mais  un  pretre  ne  se  trouve  jamais 
dispense  d'etre  un  honnete  pretre."     Cf.  similar  situation  in 
G.  Sand's  Mademoiselle  La  Quintinie,  p.  332    (Paris,   1880), 
where    the    philosopher    Lemoutier    says    to    Abbe    Moreali, 
"Soyez  homme,  soyez  un  membre  de  la  societe  universelle,  ne 
fut-ce  qu'un  instant  dans  votre  vie." 

50.  Lucifer,  p.  342.    "Je  deyais  me  montrer  digne  des  miens 
partout  et  toujours.     Ce  sentiment  n'est  pas  chretien." 

51.  Ibid.,  p.  389.     "Le  pretre  est  un  etre>  qui  s'abandonne, 
se    sacrifie,    abdique;    et    lui,     (Jourfier)    trop    entier    pour 
s'oublier  lui-meme,  n'avait  su  rien  faire  de  cela." 

52.  Ibid.,  p.  396. 

53.  See  p.  60. 


H4  The  Novels  of  Ferdinand  Fabre 

lacking  the  ecclesiastical  mind,  by  honest  thinking  is  led 
to  utter  despair  and,  like  Lamennais,  to  revolt  against  the 
authority  of  the  Church.  The  opposite  of  Jourfier  is 
the  typical  Catholic  priest.54 

As  far  as  any  conclusion  is  concerned  Fabre  begs  the 
whole  question  as  to  the  merits  of  Jourfier's  case.  If  his 
defeat  is  the  result  of  the  want  of  the  true  vocation,55  he 
does  not  necessarily  deserve  vindication,  nor  the  Church 
condemnation.  Though  this  be  true,  the  author  does 
give,  as  in  Un  Illumine,56  a  very  definite  impression  of 
the  Church  as  being  excessively  selfish,  and  cruelly  indif- 
ferent to  the  affairs  of  humanity  outside  its  own  interests. 
It  is  a  prison57  where  the  inmates  are  not  allowed  to  think 
and  act  freely. 

The  Jesuits  are  arrogant,  selfish,  and  cowardly.  Though 
ardent  royalists,  on  hearing  the  cries  of  the  mob  who 
threatened  the  palace  of  the  bishop  they  all  (for  their 
own  safety)  eagerly  shouted,  "Vive  la  Republique!"  As 
leader  of  the  order,  Cussol  declared,  "La  Compagnie  n'a 


54.  Cf.  Lemaitre,  J.,  op.  cit.,  t.  II,  p.  297. 

55.  Lucifer,   p.    389.      "Ses    combats    eternels    dans    1'Eglise 
etaient  la  consequence  logique  du  disaccord  de  ses  penchants 
natifs  avec  la  fonciton  6u  il  avait  etc  pousse." 

56.  The    Marquis    de    Pierrerue    had    devoted    his    fortune 
and   surrendered  his   daughter   to   the  cause  of  the   Church, 
but  when  he  died  in  poverty,  he  was  scarcely  given  honorable 
burial    rites.      "Cetaient    la    les    funerailles    que    la    religion 
catholique  faisait  a  rhomme  qui  lui  avait  sacrifie  sa  fortune, 
sa  famille,  sa  vie !  Un  pretre  auxiliaire,  un  simple  pretre  pour 
le  Fondateur  de  la  Societe  de  Secours !"  The  closing  chapter 
renders  the  whole  point  of  the  story.     The  Church  as  an  in- 
stitution is  selfish  and  hard,  and  lacking  the  Christian  love  of 
the  young  libertin  artists,  who  in  their  poverty  are  always 
willing  to  deny  themselves  in  order  to  help  those  in  greater 
need. 

57.  Lucifer,  p.  116. 


The  Ecclesiastical  Novels  115 

jamais  hesite  a  hurler  avec  les  loups — quand  elle  ne  pou- 
vait  faire  autrement."58  Monseigneur  Fournier,  appoint- 
ed through  the  political  influence  of  his  brother,  an  army 
officer,59  who  gained  the  favor  of  the  King  by  helping 
him  trap  a  deer/'0  had  no  interest  in  the  war  against 
Prussia,01  in  1870,  except  in  so  far  as  the  Imperial  Family 
might  be  endangered,  especially  the  Empress,  for  upon  her 
depended  his  further  progress.  The  spy  Amynthas,  whose 
presence  the  reader  constantly  feels  lurking  near,  seems 
to  interpret  the  spirit  of  the  Society. 

In  Lucifer  Fabre  brings  to  a  climax  his  discussions  of 
Church  hierarchy,  chastity,  and  the  servility  of  the  clergy. 
There  is  no  progress  in  the  Church  except  by  consent  of 
the  Regular  clergy.62  The  ignorant  priests,  who  for  the 
most  part  know  nothing  of  the  history  of  the  Church,  and 
much  less  of  the  nature  of  the  order  to  which  they  give 
their  blind  support,  are  totally  in  the  hands  of  the 
Jesuits.  Upon  them  depends  their  honor  and  their  liv- 


58.  Lucifer,  p.  220. 

60.  Lucifer,  p.  99. 

59.  Cf.  Mgr.  de  Roquebrun. 

61.  Cf.  Madame  Fuster,  p.   530.     "La  guerre  qui  soulevait 
tant  d'enthousiasmes  a  la   fois  et  tant   d'anxietes,  laissait  la 
Paroisse    du    Jugement-Dernier    en    une    parfaite    quietude." 
Cf.  also  Ibid.,  p.  359.     Phalippou  was  indifferent  to  the  fate 
of   France,   though   greatly  irritated   that  the   French   troops 
had  been  summoned  from  Rome  to  protect  the  frontiers  of 
their  native  country,  leaving  the  Eternal  City  and  the  Pope 
defenseless  before  the  threatened  invasion  of  Garibaldi,  "ce 
fleau  de  notre  civilization."     Elsewhere  this  monk  says,  "Les 
malheurs  de  la  France  ne  sont  rien  comparees  aux  malheurs 
de  1'Eglise."   (p.  387). 

62.  Lucifer,  p.   16.     Cf.   Taine,   op.   cit.,  Bk.  V,  ch.  Ill,  p. 
136. 


Ii6  The  Novels  of  Ferdinand  Fabre 

ing.63  The  law  of  chastity  which  is  an  evil6*  in  Church 
discipline,  was  established  for  political  rather  than  moral 
or  religious  reasons.65  In  his  account  of  the  clergy's 
reception  of  Mgr.  Fournier  Fabre  presents  his  most  highly 
colored  descriptions  of  the  disgusting  servitude  and  self 
abnegation  of  the  secular  priests  in  the  presence  of  their 
bishop.  Their  degrading  humility  caused  Jourfier  to  cry 
out  in  protest.  They  had  lost  their  manhood,  and  all 
moral  sense  in  their  complete  subjection  to  the  Regular 
clergy.66 

Lucifer  differs  from  L'Abbe  Tigrane  in  the  relative 
importance  of  the  minor  characters.  Here  they  figure 
primarily  as  a  background  which  throws  into  higher  relief 
the  superiority  of  Jourfier.  As  second  vicar  he  lacked  the 
assurance  that  God  would  lend  him  strength  in  proportion 
to  his  needs;  such  an  assurance,  however,  his  colleague, 
Abbe  Luzernat,  a  rich,  jovial  young  priest  of  influential 
family,  enjoyed  to  the  full.  The  cowardice  and  lack  of 
patriotism  of  the  Jesuits  furnish  a  striking  contrast  to 
Jourfier's  fearless  love  for  his  country.  Even  more  strik- 
ing is  his  loyalty  to  family  traditions,  which  is  emphasized 
by  the  entire  want  of  those  qualities  in  his  nephew.  The 
gentleness  and  kindness  of  Couzalou  had  the  most  effect 


63.  Lucifer,  pp.  50,  169. 

64.  Cf.  Michelet,  Le  pretre,  la  femme  et  la  famille,  pp.  308, 
3n. 

65.  Lucifer,  p.  152. 

66.  Lucifer,  p.  106.     Cf.  Taine,  op.  cit.,  Bk.  V,  ch.  Ill,  p. 
!3S-     "Un  tel  regime  institue  la  dependance  presque  univer- 
selle,  par  suite,  la  soumission  parfaite,  la  docilite  empressee, 
1'obeissance  passive,  1'attitude  courbee  et  flechissante  de  1'in- 
dividu  qui  ne  peut  plus  se  tenir  debout  sur  ses  propres  pieds." 
Cf.  Michelet,  Le  pretre,  la  femme  et  la  famille,  p.  308,  and 
Les  Jesuites,  Conference  VI. 


The  Ecclesiastical  Novels  HJ 

upon  the  passionate  nature  of  Lucifer.  The  Gallican  See- 
ondat  was  loyal  to  Jourfier  until  the  latter  threatened  open 
rebellion  against  ecclesiastical  authority.  Then  without 
a  moment's  hesitation  he  forsook  him.  Jourfier's  con- 
victions and  sense  of  justice  could  lead  him  to  a  revolt 
against  the  Church,  but  to  Secondat  obedience  was  the 
highest  moral  duty  of  a  priest. 

L'Abbe  Tigrane  and  Lucifer  are  alike  in  their  unity  of 
interests,  there  being  no  collateral  plot  as  in  Les  Courbezon 
and  Mon  Oncle  Celestin.  Both  are  merely  psychological 
studies  with  much  the  same  external  setting.  The  per- 
sonality of  Jourfier,  however,  makes  a  much  more  general 
appeal  than  does  that  of  Capdepont.  His  mental  and 
moral  conflicts  are  akin  to  the  experiences  of  a  larger 
number  than  the  intense  passion  of  Tigrane.  In  many 
respects  they  repeat  the  tribulation  of  Lamennais.  Not 
only  is  Jourfier  Fabre's  most  vigorous  character,  but  in 
him  he  most  nearly  realized  his  favorite  hero,  the  man 
who  fearlessly  and  persistently,  though  hopelessly,  con- 
tends for  personal  emancipation  in  faith  and  conduct. 


Ill 


Un  Illumine  and  Madame  Fuster  differ  from  Fabre's 
other  ecclesiastical  novels,  in  that  their  action  takes  place 
at  Paris,  and  that  in  them  the  author  introduces  the  ele- 
ment of  love  in  his  discussion  of  religion  and  the  Church. 
The  first  one  deals  with  the  sad  fate  of  two  lovers  whom 
the  Church  prevented  from  marrying.  The  other  de- 
scribes the  sadness  and  desolation  of  a  home  ruined  by  the 
invasion  of  religious  asceticism. 


Ii8  The  Novels  of  Ferdinand  Fabre 

Madame  Fuster  presents  the  study  of  a  wife  and  mother 
whose  religious  devotion  resembled  that  of  a  mystic.67  In 
her  affections  God  took  the  place  of  husband  and  daughter. 
General  Baron  Fuster,  returning  home  after  a  campaign 
of  several  years,  broken  in  health,  was  dismayed  to  find 
his  house  filled  with  priests  and  nuns,  for  the  Ordre  du 
Jugement  Dernier66  was  established  there.  He  soon  per- 
ceived that  religion  had  destroyed  for  him  all  the  joys 
of  home  and  family.69  In  order  to  win  back  his  wife's 
love  he  feigned  great  enthusiasm  for  her  religious  devotion. 
"On  ne  joue  plus  avec  Dieu  qu'on  ne  joue  avec  le 
feu."70  Thus  the  General,  in  spite  of  the  warnings  of 
his  devoted  friend,  Nadalewski,  a  sceptic  philosopher,  was 
naively  caught  in  his  own  trap.  On  his  death  bed  he 
received  absolution.  The  net  of  the  Ordre  du  Jugement 
Dernier  gradually  enveloped  him  in  its  meshes,  and  he 
bequeathed  the  bulk  of  his  fortune  to  this  new  monastic 
society. 


67.  Cf.    Madame     Jeanne     Autheman     and     Eline     Ebsen 
(L-'Evangeliste,  Daudet,   1883),   who   were  protestants,   Eline 
Ebsen  experienced  the  hypnotic  trances  of  the  advanced  mystic 
due  to  her  nervous  temperament.     Mme.  Autheman  convert- 
ed her  husband,  a  Jew,  and  after  his  death  turned  all  his  im- 
mense wealth  to  her  own  evangelistic  work. 

68.  A  new  monastic  order  founded  by  R.  P.  Phalippou. 

69.  Madame  Fuster,  pp.  8,  9,  10 ;  p.  88,  "Vous  et  votre  Dieu, 
vous  vous  etes  empares  de  ma  femme,  vous  me  1'avez  ravie. 
On    fait  le   desert  autour   de   moi   sous  pretexte   d'etablir  le 
rpyaume  de  Jesus  Christ."    Cf.  George  Sand's  Mile.  Let  Quin- 
tinie,  p.  70,  "partage  son  ame  avec  le  pretre."     The  situation 
of  Colonel   La  Quintinie  resembles  that  of   General  Fuster. 
Cf.  Paul  Fraycourt  in  Dupecus  (1908).     Cf.  also  Michelet  in 
Le  pretre,  la  femme  et  la  famille,  pp.  18,  63,  and  Les  Jesuites, 
Conference  VI. 

70.  Madame  Fuster,  p.  235. 


The  Ecclesiastical  Novels  lig 

Even  more  than  her  father,  Madeleine  Fuster  was  the 
victim  of  her  mother's  religious  mania,  for,  possessing  a 
very  different  disposition,  she  desired  to  become  a  wife 
and  mother.  Her  mother  and  R.  P.  Phalippou  opposed 
her  betrothal  to  Daniel  Nadalewski.  The  Franco-Prus- 
sian war  intervened  to  prevent  a  conclusion  of  the  strug- 
gle, for  Daniel  died  in  battle.  At  the  close  of  the  war 
and  after  the  death  of  General  Fuster,  the  Baroness, 
coldly  indifferent  to  her  daughter's  mental  and  physical 
sufferings,  tried  to  force  her  to  become  a  nun.  She 
sought  refuge  and  help  from  her  friends,  the  sceptic  Nad- 
alewskis.  Madeleine,  through  grief  for  the  loss  of  Dan- 
iel, was  constrained,  however,  to  turn  to  religion  for 
solace,71  becoming  a  Sister  of  Charity  in  an  order  which 
did  not  require  permanent  vows.  A  spirit  of  unselfish 
Christian  charity  dominated  the  workings  of  the  entire 
institution.  Against  such  an  order  the  free-thinking 
Polish  philosopher  entertained  no  objections.  Among  the 
orphans  of  the  Hospice  des  Enfants  Assistes  "la  petite 
mere,"  as  Madeleine  was  called  by  the  children,  dis- 
covered her  long  lost  god-child,  Loulou,  who  took  the 
place  of  Daniel's  child  in  her  imagination  and  love.72  In 
spite  of  the  peace  that  filled  her  soul,  Madeleine's  strength 
of  body  was  so  broken,  that  in  a  few  weeks  she  died. 
"Pauvre  Madeleine!  assassinee  par  les  siens,"  declared 
Stephane  Nadalewski.73 

Madame  Fuster  is  the  author's  strongest  female  char- 
acter of  the  religious  type.  Unfaltering  determination, 


71.  Madame  Fuster,  p.  515.    Cf.  also  Un  Illumine,  p.  380. 

72.  Ibid.,  p.  501. 

73.  Ibid.,  p.  509. 


I2O  The  Novels  of  Ferdinand  Fabre 

and  not  love  and  kindly  sympathy,  guided  her.  Madeleine, 
however,  is  not  so  clearly  drawn  as  are  Fabre's  peasant 
girl  characters.  She  is  far  from  being  so  lovely  as  Marie 
Galtier,  and  her  death  is  less  pathetic  and  not  so  force- 
fully described. 

The  author's  rendering  of  the  motives  and  methods  of 
the  monastic  institutions  of  the  Regular  clergy  is  clearly 
unfriendly.  He  has  given,  moreover,  a  kindly  and  sym- 
pathetic portrayal  to  those  persons  whose  love  for  human- 
ity exceeds  their  love  for  God.  The  Church  and  the 
monastic  orders,  however,  have  met  with  no  reverses,  nor 
have  they  received  any  positive  accusations  or  attacks. 
In  Lucifer  Fabre  approximated  more  open  invective. 

IV 

However  impersonal  Fabre  may  claim  to  be  in  his 
descriptions  of  Church  discipline  and  policies,  he  has 
chosen  to  observe  and  report  more  often  than  any  other 
that  side  of  ecclesiastical  life  and  activities  that  displeased 
Taine  and  Michelet.  He  disapproved  of  the  alliance  of 
Church  and  State,74  and  of  the  principle  of  celibacy.75  His 
convictions  were  those  of  a  Gallican76  and  a  repub- 
lican.77 He  protests  against  the  absolutism  of  the  hier- 


74.  See  pp.   105,  112,  and  also  Lucifer,  pp.  230,  234,  296; 
Tigrane,  pp.  133-1355  Celestin,  p.  310. 

75.  Courbezon,  p.  349;  Tigrane,  p.  37;  Mme.  Fuster,  p.  310; 
Lucifer,  p.  146. 

76.  Used  in  the  sense  of  being  opposed  to  the  ultramontane 
party,  and  to  the  increasing  power  of  Rome  in  the  Church  of 
France. 

77.  Note  Fabre's   sympathy   for  the  working   classes,   and 
their    dislike    for   the    Church:   Lucifer,  pp.   230,   234,   296; 
Tigrane,  pp.  111-112. 


The  Ecclesiastical  Novels  121 

archy,78  insisting  that  it  has  reduced  the  clergy,  especially 
the  lesser  clergy,  to  a  degrading  condition  of  servi- 
tude.79 He  condemns  the  control80  the  Regular  clergy 
have  over  the  Church  and  ruthlessly  exposes  their  meth- 
ods81 of  securing  and  retaining  their  control.  He  calls 
attention  to  their  want  of  patriotism,82  and  descrihes  the 
home,  the  peace  and  happiness  of  which  have  been  ruined 
by  the  mischievous  intrusion  of  these  priests,  portraying 
their  pernicious  influence  upon  the  mind  of  the  wife  and 
mother.83  Yet  one  who  so  evidently  dwells  upon  the  evils 
of  the  organization  of  the  Church  and  her  policies  need 
not  be  considered  hostile  to  the  religion  she  professes. 
His  purpose  might  well  be  that  of  the  reformer  who 
wished  to  purify  rather  than  to  condemn.84 

While  Fabre  seems  to  have  chosen  to  write  rather  of 
the  evil  than  of  the  good  in  the  policy  of  the  Church's 
organization,  he  has  been  impartial  in  his  descriptions  of 
her  priests,  for  he  portrayed  good  priests  as  often  as  bad. 
The  lesser  clergy  he  represented  more  as  individuals  than 
he  did  the  peasants,  but  in  general  the  former,  too,  are  des- 
cribed as  a  class.  His  leading  clerical  characters,  how- 


78.  Celestin,  p.  37;  Tigrane,  238;  Lucifer,  pp.  116,  169,  391. 

79.  Courbezon,  p.  82;  Celestin,  p.  198;  Tigrane,  pp.  13,  88, 
no,  124,  237-240,  245;  Lucifer,  pp.  106,  218. 

80.  Mme.  Fuster,  pp.  158-159;  Lucifer,  pp.  16,  17,  48-50,  75, 
90,  100,  1 68,  289,  362,  392. 

81.  Tigrane,  pp.   102,   103,   106,  293;  Lucifer,  pp.   154,   168, 
298,  307- 

82.  Mme.  Fuster,  pp.  330,  359,  387;  Lucifer,  pp.  194,  205. 

83.  Mme.  Fuster,  pp.  8,  9,  36,  88. 

84.  Cf.   The  Novels  of  Ferdinand  Fabre,  The   Quarterly 
Review,  July,  1899. 


122  The  Novels  of  Ferdinand  Fabre 

ever,  are  as  different  as  men  are  different  from  each 
other.85  He  has  established  practically  no  types,  except 
that  of  Abbe  Celestin,  the  simple-minded,  kindly  priest. 
His  portraits  include  peasant,  bourgeois  and  nobleman, 
and  range  from  the  humblest  desservant  to  the  Cardinals 
and  Pope.  Most  frequently  he  describes  the  Secular 
priests.  Many  of  them  he  accuses  of  exercising  the  func- 
tions of  a  priest  as  a  mere  means  of  livelihood.86  Their 
greatest  fault,  however,  is  their  pusillanimity.  In  his 
descriptions  of  the  Regular  clergy,  and  of  the  priests  in 
the  higher  ranks  of  the  hierarchy,  Fabre  displays  his 
master  qualities  of  character  portrayal.  Each  bears  the 
stamp  of  a  distinctive  personality,  even  though  often 
clearly  resembling  in  certain  respects  other  characters. 
Roquebrun  is  nobly  born,  and  Capdepont  is  the  son  of  a 
peasant,  both  possess  violent  tempers,  but  otherwise  they 
are  unlike  in  their  dispositions.  Valette  and  Sccondat 
both  vicars  general,  had  gained  their  rank  by  very  different 
means.  Valette,  abject  before  the  Jesuits,  secured  their 
approval  because  of  his  timidity.  Secondat,  a  little,  old 
man,  almost  ridiculous  because  of  his  physical  defects, 
while  not  without  fear,  had  gained  his  appointment 
through  his  astuteness  and  sagacity.  Mical  and  Laver- 
nede,  essentially  the  same  in  their  bravery  and  loyalty  to 
a  friend,  devoted  themselves  to  opposite  ideals.  Jean 
Montagnol  resembled  Bernisien  in  his  longing  for  the 
monastic  life,  but  he  lacked  completely  his  spirituality 
and  refinement.  Cardinals  Maffe'i  and  Finella,  both 


85.  Cf.  Kahn,  G.,  Nouv.  Rev.  (1903),  t.  XXII,  p.  557. 

86.  Lucifer,  p.  I. 


The  Ecclesiastical  Novels  123 

equally  gifted  as  diplomats,  were  very  unlike  in  personal 
appearance.  Maffe'i,  though  old  and  somewhat  stooped, 
had  once  been  of  imposing  physique.  Finella  is  dim- 
inutive, and  slight  and  frail  in  body.  Fabre's  monks  do  not 
personify  a  class  of  men,  manifesting  identically  the  same 
ideals,  and  the  same  implicit  devotion  to  their  vocations. 
Their  motives  for  choosing  this  kind  of  life  vary,  and  their 
individual  dispositions  do  not  accord  the  same  degree  of 
submission  to  the  requirements  of  their  orders. 

The  author's  supreme  conceptions  are  of  course  his 
portraits  of  Abbe  Courbezon,  Tigrane  and  Lucifer.  They 
represent  three  very  distinct  personalities.  Courbezon 
is  contrasted  in  temperament  and  in  mentality  to  the  other 
two.  He  has  no  idea  of  the  Church  as  a  political  insti- 
tution. Capdepont  and  Jourfier  are  men  of  powerful 
intellectual  qualities,  and  possess  much  the  same  temper- 
ament. They  differ  primarily  in  their  attitude  toward 
their  respective  vocations.  Spirituality  is  clearly  not  an 
essential  qualification  of  the  vocation  of  either  of  them. 
Ambition  expresses  the  dominating  force  in  the  character 
of  one;  pride  in  that  of  the  other.  Pride  demands  that 
a  man  maintain  his  mental,  moral,  and  spiritual  indepen- 
dence ;  ambition  easily  sacrifices  personal  liberty  and  digni- 
ty to  an  exterior  authority.  The  Church  requires  this 
sacrifice  of  her  priests.  Fabre  has  here  portrayed  the  mind 
that  can  naturally  adapt  itself  to  the  organization  and 
discipline  of  the  Church,  and  also  the  mind  that  can  not 
accept  such  a  yoke.  Tigrane  typifies  one  extreme,  Luci- 
fer the  other.  Nowhere  has  Fabre  used  to  better  advan- 
tage his  principle  of  contrast  than  in  his  description  of 
Lucifer,  for,  by  his  masterful  portrait  of  one  who  lacked 


124  The  Novels  of  Ferdinand  Fabre 

completely  the  ecclesiastical  mind,  he  has  most  clearly 
indicated  what  qualities  of  mind  and  character  are  es 
sential  to  the  typical  priest.87 


87.  Cf.  Lemaitre,  J.,  op.  cit.,  p.  297  ff. 


CONCLUSION 

AMONG  modern  novelists  Ferdinand  Fabre  was  an 
inventor  because,  as  we  have  seen,  he  emphasized  cer- 
tain aspects  of  human  life  that  had  been  neglected  by  his 
predecessors.  His  novels  are  not,  as  Edmund  Gosse  af- 
firms, entirely  unlike  those  of  any  other  writer.1  We  have 
found  them  closely  related  in  thought,  and  often  in  manner 
of  treatment,  to  other  novels  of  the  same  period.  His 
early  life,  spent  in  close  touch  with  nature,  and  his  clerical 
education  gave  him  a  special  preparation  for  his  literary 
career.  From  these  two  sources  he  drew  the  inspiration 
for  nearly  all  he  ever  wrote.  Such  a  limited  field  implied 
intensive  cultivation.  This  intensiveness  accounts  for  his 
introducing  into  literature  for  the  first  time  the  peasant 
in  all  the  truth  of  his  character,2  and  for  his  success  in  his 
conscientious  and  exact3  portrayal  of  clerical  life  and  man- 
ners. It  explains  how  it  was  possible  for  him  to  describe 
certain  aspects  of  that  life  which  other  writers  had  dis- 
regarded, and  why  he  could  render  interesting  events  and 
characters  which  in  the  hands  of  a  less  thoroughly  trained 
author  would  have  been  dull  and  ineffective  in  their  ap- 
peal. 

As  a  regionalist  Fabre  created  a  place  in  literature  for 
the  various  aspects  of  nature  and  humanity  in  his  native 
Cevennes.4  The  greater  part  of  his  literary  material 


1.  Op.  cit.,  p.  516. 

2.  See  p.  91. 

3.  Lemmaitre,  J.,  Funeral  address,  Le  Temps,  16  fev.  1898. 

4.  Doumic,  op.  cit.,  p.  935. 

125 


126  The  Novels  of  Ferdinand  Fabre 

comes  from  living  over  again  in  his  mind  some  phase  of 
his  childhood  and  youth  passed  in  those  mountains.  His 
autobiographical  less  than  his  other  novels  resembled  the 
works  of  other  writers.  Being  purely  episodical,  the  re- 
verse then  of  his  clerical  novels,  they  differ  completely 
from  Anatole  France's  Le  livre  de  man  ami  and  Alphonse 
Daudet's  Le  Petit  Chose.  Since  childhood  and  youth 
occupy  an  inconspicuous  place  in  French  literature,5  Fabre 
displays  unusual  literary  independence  in  devoting  eleven 
novels  to  the  events  of  about  two  years  of  his  boyhood. 

In  his  studies  of  peasant  life  and  manners,  however, 
Fabre  lends  himself  to  comparison.  His  realism  may  be 
justly  said  to  follow  a  middle  course  between  George 
Sand's  optimism  and  Balzac's  pessimism.  George  Sand 
wrote  of  what  was  good  and  true6  in  the  peasant,  while 
Balzac  and  Zola  sought  to  depict  his  vices.  Fabre  repre- 
sents the  greater  realism  in  that  he  impartially  reports  the 
good  as  well  as  the  bad.  He  failed  to  discover  in  the  peas- 
ant the  richly  endowed  child  of  nature  as  did  Auer- 
bach.7  He  found  the  peasant  largely  a  man  of  animal 
instincts,  though  at  the  same  time  retaining  nobler  manly 
qualities  than  the  servile  clergy  whose  personal  dignity 
was  suppressed  by  the  Church.  Like  Thomas  Hardy 
Fabre  has  painted  a  definite  peasant  peculiar  to  his  native 
environment.  Balzac,  on  the  contrary,  described  a  gen- 
eral peasant  suited  to  any  rural  community. 

His  clerical  characters,  however,  Fabre  does  not  limit 


5.  Seippel,  M.  P.,  Romain  Rolland,  L'homme  et  I'oeuvre,  p. 
128. 

6.  Preface  to  La  mare  au  diable. 

7.  Schwarswaldere  Dorfgeschichten. 


Conclusion.  127 

to  one  locality  or  country.  His  originality  here  lies  merely 
in  his  choice  of  a  very  restricted  milieu.  He  writes  of  the 
priest  in  relation  to  his  ecclesiastical  life,  his  fellow  priests, 
and  to  his  superiors.8  In  this  respect  he  resembles 
Anthony  Trollope  more  than  any  French  author  except 
Paul  Fraycourt.9  If  one  could  change  the  English  protes- 
tant  atmosphere  of  Barchester  Toiuers  to  one  of  French 
Catholicism,  and  eliminate  the  women  characters  and  the 
social  life,  there  would  be  left  a  clerical  novel  similar  to 
L'  Abbe  Tigrane.  Although  less  masterfully  drawn  Mr. 
Slope  closely  resembles  Tigrane.  Though  ambitious,  he 
lac'rs  Capdepont's  hypocritical  smoothness  and  indomitable 
will.  Trollope  does  not  concentrate  upon  one  incident 
as  does  Fabre.  This  diffusion  of  interests  weakens  the  cen- 
tral effect  even  though  increasing  the  interest  of  the  story. 
Fraycourt  as  a  disciple  of  Fabre  confines  his  plots  wholly 
to  ecclesiastical  life.  He  does  not  possess,  however,  his 
master's  powers  of  vigorous  description  and  dramatic 
effect.  His  Abbe  Sinoir10  is  a  very  weak  imitation  of 
Tigrane.  Neither  Trollope  nor  Fraycourt  has  been  able 
to  people  his  pages  so  thickly  with  priests  as  did  Fabre. 
They  lacked  his  rare  gift  of  individualizing  characters. 


8.  Note.     It  is   important  to  distinguish  carefully  between 
ecclesiastical   and   religious   life.     Religion   but    furnishes  the 
atmosphere  and  setting  in  which  the  action  takes  place.     (Cf. 
Doumic,  op.  cit.,  p.  936). 

9.  Besides  Fraycourt,  one  might  mention  Ferdinand  Hame- 
lin,  Le  journal  d'un  pretre,    (1908)  ;  Francis  Poinctevin,  La 
robe  du  moine,  (1882)  ;  Ives  le  Querdec,  Lettres  d'un  cure  de 
campagne,  d'un  cure  de  canton.     Their  works  are  not  strictly 
novels. 

10.  Journal  d'un   cure   de   campagne.     De   la  charrue  a   la 
pourpre  describes  the  rise  of  a  plow-boy  to  a  bishopric.     He 
does  not  resemble  Abbe  Capdepont. 


128  The  Novels  of  Ferdinand  Fabre 

By  portraying  individuals  rather  than  types  Fabre  has 
again  shown  himself  to  be  more  of  a  realist  than  Balzac, 
whose  leading  characters,  though  the  product  of  a  highly 
complex  environment,  tend  to  be  a  logical  result  of  a  ruling 
passion.  According  to  Taine  they  are  but  "pedestals  of  a 
statue  which  is  their  master  passion."11  Although  Ti- 
grane  is  the  victim  of  his  passion,  he  remains  an  individual 
distinct  from  his  ambition.  He  does  not  represent  a 
personification  of  clerical  ambition. 

Fabre  carefully  distinguishes  between  the  personality 
and  the  "master  faculty."12  His  characters,  however, 
possess  little  power  of  resisting  this  "master  faculty,"13  and 
in  the  end  their  helplessness  brings  about  a  tragedy, 
either  upon  the  victim  of  the  passion  or  upon  another. 
A  pessimistic  fatalism  closely  resembling  Hardy's  phil- 
osophy of  determinism  runs  through  nearly  all  that  Fabre 
wrote.  The  lives  of  his  peasants  are  for  the  most  part 
sad,  and  unrelieved  by  prospects  of  pleasanter  days.  In 
concluding  his  stories  Fabre  gives  no  indication  of  future 
happiness  to  follow  present  sorrows,  nor  any  suggestion 
of  a  delayed  justice  for  wrongs  endured.  He  implies  no 
solace  for  the  bereaved  Landry,  the  lover  of  Xaviere, 
whose  burial  took  place  in  a  snow  storm.  The  Marquis 
de  Pierrerue  sacrificed  his  daughter  and  devoted  his  for- 
tune to  the  Church,  which  when  he  died  in  poverty  even 


11.  Essais  de  critique,  p.  147. 

12.  Cf.  Sainte-Beuve,  Nouveaux  lundis,  X,  p.  262. 

13.  Cf.  Les  Courbeson,  p.  401,  "Sublime  et  terrible  privi- 
lege de  la  passion  qui  opere  chez  tous  les  hommes  avec  une 
egale  puissance,  qui  ne  distingue  pas  1'ignorant  du  philosophe, 
le  rustre  du  raffine,  le  pauvre  du  riche,  mais  qui  leur  puvre  a 
tous  deux  impartialement  et  a  la  fois  le  meme  paradis  ou  le 
meme  enferl" 


Conclusion.  129 

refused  him  obsequies  befitting  his  rank.  For  the  honest 
and  high  minded  Jourfier  suicide  furnished  the  only  relief 
from  his  anguish.  The  author  does  not  even  relieve  the 
hopelessness  of  his  situation  by  implying  that  he  experi- 
enced a  moral  justification.  The  Church  remained  com- 
pletely unaffected  by  the  tragedy.  Feuillet  would 
doubtless  explain  this  fatalism  in  Fabre  as  due  to  a  lack  of 
profound  religious  faith.14  We  may  accredit  it  rather 
to  a  romantic  touch  in  his  nature,  together  with  his  fond- 
ness for  antitheses,  and  his  love  for  nature. 

Like  Daudet,  Fabre  puts  himself  too  much  into  his 
writing  to  be  an  impersonal  observer  after  the  manner  of 
Flaubert  and  Maupassant.  He  leaves  us  in  no  doubt  re- 
garding his  preference  for  the  Rousseauistic  character  of 
Pancol  as  contrasted  with  the  mercenary  Fumat,  nor  re- 
garding his  admiration  for  Venceslas,  who,  though  a 
mountain  hermit  too,  maintained  a  sense  of  personal  digni- 
,'  ty  and  honor  which  the  coarse  and  greedy  Barnabe  did 
not  feel.15  He  expresses  frank  contempt  for  the  servile 
clergy  who  had  no  semblance  even  of  personal  pride.  He 
esteems  more  highly  the  selfish  Tigrane,  or  the  unscrup- 
ulous Mical. 

Fabre's  personal  interest  in  his  characters,  then, 
would  exclude  him  from  the  pure  naturalists.  Moreover, 
if  we  accept  as  a  definition  of  naturalism  the  application 
of  the  scientific  method  to  the  study  of  human  nature,  he 
is  not  sufficiently  scientific  to  receive  that  classification. 
If  we  limit  naturalism  to  that  portion  of  literature  which 
aims  to  portray  without  reserve  all  phases  of  human  na- 


14.  Cf.  the  closing  chapters  of  L'histoire  de  Sibylle. 

15.  Barnabe,  p.  390. 


130  The  Novels  of  Ferdinand  Fabre 

ture,  Fabre  must  be  considered  a  naturalist.  Though 
avoiding  Zola's  extremes  in  painting  human  misery,  he 
frankly  portrays  the  sordidness  of  daily  life  among  the 
peasantry.  He  declares'  that  human  nature  constitutes 
the  beginning  and  end  of  all  art,16  and  he  chose  to  depict 
it  fully  in  all  its  aspects  familiar  to  him. 

Unfortunately  he  restricted  his  studies  of  human  nature 
to  a  class  whose  lives  do  not  make  universal  appeal.  He 
did  not  possess  Balzac's  versatility  in  associating  his  char- 
acters with  affairs  and  events  of  general  interest.  Even 
in  Madame  Fuster  and  in  Un  Illumine  where  the  subject 
matter  touches  the  interest  of  a  larger  reading  public,  the 
ecclesiastical  setting  in  which  the  action  takes  place  and 
undue  emphasis  upon  details  that  encumber  the  plot,  have 
prevented  the  books  from  attaining  greater  success. 

In  fact,  had  Fabre  subjected  many  of  his  novels  to  a 
thorough  process  of  curtailing  as  in  the  case  of  La  petite 
mere  and  Le  Marquis  de  Pierrerue,  he  would  have  gained 
many  readers.  A  naturally  clerical  turn  of  mind  led  him 
to  discuss  at  too  great  length  ecclesiastical  matters  which 
greatly  delay  the  action  of  the  simple  plots,  and  cause 
his  novels  as  a  whole  to  lose  in  force  and  in  effectiveness. 
Especially  is  this  true  of  Les  Courbezon  and  Mon  Oncle 
Celestin.  In  L'Abbe  Tigrane  he  has  concentrated  upon 
his  main  theme,  so  also  in  Norine  and  in  Julien  Savignac. 
For  this  reason  these  books  stand  among  his  best. 

Notwithstanding  defects  Fabre  deserves  great  praise 
for  his  success  along  lines  where  others  have  failed,  or  at 


16.  Le  roman  d'un  peintre,  p.  236.  Cf.  also  Ibid.,  p.  276. 
"Pour  les  fils  de  ce  siecle,  il  n'est  pas  d'art  ep  dehprs  de 
1'humanite." 


Conclusion.  131 

least  feared  to  venture.  They  lacked  the  special  talent 
necessary  for  a  sympathetic,  and  at  the  same  time,  exact 
description  of  the  private  lives  of  priests,  who  remain  apart 
from  the  affairs  that  engage  other  men.  Fabre's  gallery 
of  clerical  portraits  is  so  rich  and  so  varied  that  it  de- 
serves a  far  more  extended  and  specialized  study  than  has 
been  possible  in  a  discussion  devoted  to  all  his  novels  and 
not  restricted  to  one  single  phase  of  them.  The  full  power 
of  the  artist's  genius  can  not  be  estimated  until  such  a 
study  has  been  made.  We  may  judge  already,  however, 
of  his  success  in  describing  the  peasantry,  for  the  range 
of  his  characterization  is  limited.  The  peasant  has  in- 
terested relatively  few  writers,  and  we  have  been  able 
to  draw  definite  comparisons.  The  priest,  on  the  other 
hand,  has  appealed  to  many  novelists,  but  no  other  writer 
has  found  in  him  the  inspiration  for  practically  all  his 
best  novels.  I  venture  the  opinion  that,  when  Fabre's 
clerical  characters  have  received  an  exhaustive  study,  his 
contribution  to  the  master  characters  in  any  one  field  of 
realistic  literature  will  equal,  if  not  surpass,  those  of  any 
other  author  of  the  same  period. 

We  may  conclude,  then,  that  Ferdinand  Fabre  was  more 
of  a  realist  than  Balzac,  and  less  of  an  idealist  than  George 
Sand,  the  two  writers  he  most  resembles.  He  is  not  suf- 
ficiently scientific  or  impersonal  to  belong  to  the  pure 
naturalists,  nor  psychological  enough  to  be  considered  a 
predecessor  of  Paul  Bourget.  He  has,  however,  made 
two  distinct  contributions  to  the  work  of  the  realists:  he 
portrayed  for  the  first  time  a  peasantry  in  the  full  truth 
of  their  character,  and  in  his  descriptions  of  the  priest  he 
«alarged  upon  the  work  of  his  predecessors  by  presenting 


132  The  Novels  of  Ferdinand  Fabre 

an  original  study  of  a  new  aspect  of  clerical  life. 

While  L'Abbe  Tigrane  must  stand  unique  of  its  kind 
among  the  famous  novels  of  the  nineteenth  century, 
Fabre's  other  novels  also  have  enriched  modern  fiction 
Norine  must  be  classed  among  the  best  love  idylls  in 
modern  French  literature,  and  L'Abbe  Roitelet,  because 
of  the  originality  of  the  story  and  the  exquisite  simplicity 
with  which  the  author  tells  it,  deserves  special  praise. 
To  these  shorter  works  we  must  add  four  truly  great 
novels,  Les  Courbezon,  Mon  Oncle  Celestin,  Julien 
Savignac  and  Lucifer. 


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(1903). 

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133 


134  The  Novels  of  Ferdinand  Fabre 

Bainville,  J., 

Ferdinand  Fabre,  (Revue  de  France,  mai  1898). 
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In  Troubadour  Land;  A  Ramble  in  Provence  and  Lan- 

guedoc,    (London,   1891). 
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Le  Roman  Contemporain. 
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Le  pays  de  Ferdinand  <Fabre,   (Journal  des  Debats,  15 

fev.,  1898). 
Brisson,  A., 

Portraits  intimes,  III,  1898). 
Brun,  Charles, 

Le  Roman  Social  en  France  aux  XIX  siecle,  ch.  VII, 
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1910). 
Brunn,  Paul, 

Un  fils  du  Lanquedoc,  Ferdinand  Fabre,  (1904). 
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nand Fabre,  (Anon). 
Claretie,  J., 

Address  on  the  occasion  of  the  funeral  of  Fabre.     (Le 

Temps,  15   fev.  1898). 
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302,  305 
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La  religion  des  contemporains,  II,  (1899). 
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August,    1903). 
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Ferdinand  Fabre.     (In  La  Gallerie  Contemporaine,  Lit- 
teraire,  Artistique,  tome  I,  deuxieme   serie,   No.  69, 
187-)- 
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Ferdinand  Fabre,  (Revue  Bleue,  IX,  1898). 
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Le  Pretre  dans  le  roman  franfais,  (1902). 
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Trente  ans  de  critique,  I,    (1900). 
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(An  article  in  Semaine  litteraire,  19  fev.,  1898). 
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136  The  Novels  of  Ferdinand  Fabre 

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Les  Romanciers  naturalist es.     (1881). 


INDEX 


Names  of  authors  cited  both  in   the   text  and   in   the  notes. 


About,  Edmond,  41,  47 
Amyot,  32 
Auerbach,  126 

Bacon,  Rev.  L.  W.,  36 

Banville,  Th.  de,  47 

Balzac,  26,  30,  31,  37,  50,  58,  59, 

87,  126,  128,  130,  131 
Barbey  d'Aurvilly,  36,  37,  47 
Beranger,  24 
Bertheroy,  Jean,  47 
Bonald,  Louis  de,  15 
Bourget,  Paul,  131 
Brisson,  A.,  22,  26,  27,  36,  44,  47 

Chateaubriand,  13,  15 
Chenier,  Andre,  24 
Cherbuliez,  Victor,  47 
Clartie,  Jules,  24,  45,  46,  47 
Clemenceau,  G.,  47 
Colonne,  Alphonse  de,  29 
Courier,  Paul-Louis,  33 
Cuvillier-Fleury,  29 

Daudet,  Alphonse,  47,  118,  126, 

129 

Delfour,  Abbe,  105 
Deschamps,  G.,  in 
Dickens,  27 
Doumic,  Rene,  27,  30,  41,  103, 

125,  127 

Dumas,  (fils),  47 
Dumas,  (pere),  22 
Duviard,  Ferdinand,  13,  34,  44, 

45,  46,  47 

Echerac,  A.  d',  23,  29 
Eliot,  George,  27 
Estaunie,  M.,  60 


Faguet,  Emile,  45 
Feuillet,  Octave,  47,  59,  129 
Flaubert,  22,  25,  30,  34,  36,  37, 

50,  91,  129 

France,  Anatole,   126 
Fraycourt,  Paul,  79,  118,  127 

Gilbert,  24 

Giraudon-Gineste,  60,  76,  103 
Godet,  Ph.,  30,  84 
Goldsmith,  27,  59 
Gosse,  Edmund,  15,  25,  36,  43, 

125 
Goncourts,  Les,  25,  35,  38 

Halevy,  Ludovic,  45,  47 
Hamelin,  Ferdinand,  127 
Hardy,  Thomas,  52,  72,  126,  128 
Heredia,  47 
Housaye,  Arsene,  23,  24 

Henry,  45,  46 
Hugo,  17,  22,  24,  59,  67 

Kahn,  G.,  122 

Lamartine,  17,  22,  24 
Lamennais,  49,  108,  114,  117 
Laurens,  Jean-Paul,  40,  46,  49 
Lemaitre,  Jules,  37,  45,  46,  47, 

90,  95,  112,  114,  124,  125 
Le  Querdec,  Ives,  127 
Levallois,  Jules,  26,  29          | 

Malot,  Hector,  39,  47 
Manzpni,  101  * 

Marais,  Paul,  40,  46,  47 
Marcelin,  Emile  Planat,  35 
Maupassant,  129 


137 


UC  SOUTHERN  REGIONAL  LIBRARY  FACILITY 


000  809  844    4 


